The cost trajectory the UK Cabinet Office published this month

The single most useful artefact in the Lovegrove Review is its published trajectory of HS2 Phase 1 cost estimates over time, all expressed in a 2019 price base for comparability. Phase 1 is the London to West Midlands section of approximately 225 km — the only section now being constructed, after the cancellation of Phase 2 north of Birmingham.

In 2019 prices, the 2026 estimate is more than four times the 2012 estimate for the same 225 km of railway. The increase from 2024 to 2026 alone — two years — is larger than the entire original 2012 budget. This is not a critic’s estimate. It is not an academic reconstruction. It is the British government, today, publishing the official trajectory of its own project’s cost.

For ALTO, the importance of this trajectory is twofold. The comparator is not ancient: HS2 Phase 1 was at roughly the same stage of pre-construction maturity in 2012–2015 that ALTO is at now. And the trajectory is now an official UK government data point — not contested or speculative — which removes one of the standard rhetorical defences used in ALTO’s framing.

The same trajectory has already occurred on the Toronto–Quebec City corridor

In 2016 the federal government funded a serious study of High Frequency Rail (HFR) for the Toronto–Quebec City corridor: 170–177 km/h conventional rail on largely dedicated tracks, costed at under C$5 billion in 2016 dollars, or under C$10 billion adjusted for construction inflation to 2024. A December 2021 Joint Project Office Business Case prepared by VIA Rail Canada and the Canada Infrastructure Bank confirmed the preferred option. tc.canada.ca

In March 2022 the federal government issued a Request for Expressions of Interest that pivoted the procurement to a Design-Build-Finance-Operate-Maintain (DBFOM) structure and explicitly invited proposals for speeds above 200 km/h. In February 2025, without publishing a side-by-side comparison of the HFR and high-speed options, the government confirmed the project would become ALTO at 300 km/h+, costed at C$80–120 billion. Passengers will not board until the 2040s.

The escalation from HFR’s published baseline to ALTO’s announced range is of the same order of magnitude as, and on a comparable timescale to, the four-fold real-terms increase Lovegrove documents for HS2 Phase 1. The HS2 cost-trajectory table above is not a foreign curiosity. It is the comparator for a transformation that has already occurred on the project Canada is now committing to deliver.

Lovegrove’s consensus diagnosis — and its ALTO analogues

Lovegrove summarises the consensus diagnosis of why HS2 cost forecasts proved so wrong. The list is short and direct: original gold-plating of the high-speed concept; a decision to begin construction at the hardest points of the route; changing objectives and political priorities; award of the Main Works Civils Contracts at insufficient design maturity and on terms which did not manage risk; and costs and risks badly underestimated.

The pursuit of 300 km/h electrified high-speed running across a route with the geological and ecological profile of the proposed southern corridor is itself a gold-plating decision. Reference-class analysis shows that the marginal capital cost of moving from a conventional or near-conventional dedicated passenger railway to a fully grade-separated electrified high-speed alignment is the dominant driver of total programme cost — and is the primary mechanical reason the HFR-to-ALTO transformation generated the cost escalation set out above. An alternative configuration — a lower design speed in the order of 200 km/h, on a route making use of the 401 corridor rather than a new southern alignment across Eastern Ontario — would shift the project into a different cost class and a different environmental and community-impact profile. Whether such a configuration is preferable, on a full set of criteria, is precisely the comparative question the Lovegrove framework says government should answer before a Final Investment Decision.

The HS2 phasing parallel is not exact: ALTO plans to begin with the Ottawa-to-Montréal segment, which involves real engineering complexity including Leda clay deposits and the Ottawa River crossing, but is not the hardest section of the proposed corridor. The more challenging geological and ecological terrain remains to be worked through downstream of any Notice-to-Proceed-equivalent decision. The category of risk Lovegrove identifies nonetheless applies: committing to a DBFOM contractual architecture spanning the full corridor before the hardest sections have been designed in detail locks in contractual obligations under the same design-immaturity conditions HS2 entered when it awarded its Main Works Civils Contracts. The HS2 mistake was not solely the geographical choice to start in the Chilterns; it was the contractual choice to commit before maturity, and that part of the parallel remains direct.

Sir Jon Thompson, the Executive Chair of HS2 Ltd, set out the resulting contractual problem directly in evidence to the House of Commons Transport Committee on 10 January 2024. parliament.uk He told the Committee that the Government and the company had decided to let cost-plus contracts under which 99% of the financial risk sat with the Government and only 1% with the contractor, describing the arrangement as extraordinary. Under a fixed-percentage fee, he noted, a contractor who runs over budget receives the same percentage of a much larger number, which effectively incentivises overspending rather than restraining it.

The risk allocation under the ALTO co-development contract with the Cadence consortium has not been publicly disclosed. Whether it replicates, mitigates, or improves on the HS2 risk allocation cannot be assessed from public information. Under Lovegrove’s framework, that absence of disclosure is itself the relevant problem: the contractual terms that drive cost outcomes over the lifetime of a project are exactly the terms that the sponsor department, Parliament, and the Auditor General require visibility into before, not after, commitment.

Lovegrove’s structural critique of the delivery vehicle

Lovegrove’s most pointed structural critique is of HS2 Ltd’s status as a Company Limited by Guarantee with government as sole guarantor. The Review concludes that this construct was institutionally incoherent. The arguments traditionally offered for it — independence from government, ability to hire at market rates, commercial discipline, decision-making at commercial speed — are real benefits, but they only work when the entity has genuine third-party shareholders with capital at risk.

HS2 Ltd received 100% of its funding from government grant-in-aid. There were no third-party shareholders, no commercial counterparties with capital at risk, no governance mechanisms forcing cost-benefit discipline from below. The advantages of the company form were thus retained only in name. What HS2 Ltd actually got was the freedom to hire at private-sector rates and to operate at arm’s length from ministers, without the corresponding discipline of having investors who would have insisted on cost control.

ALTO HSR Inc. is in a structurally comparable position to HS2 Ltd at the corporate level. It is a federal Crown corporation, 100% publicly funded, with no third-party shareholders in the corporation itself. The contractual relationship with the Cadence consortium under the DBFOM arrangement is not publicly disclosed in sufficient detail to assess how risk, financing, and return are allocated between the parties or over what time horizon. What can be observed from the public record is the corporate-form question: a Crown corporation receiving 100% of its funding from the federal purse, used to obtain independence from political cycles and freedom to hire specialist talent, is in the same structural category as HS2 Ltd — the category Lovegrove diagnoses as institutionally incoherent because the disciplines that normally accompany the corporate form do not flow from grant-in-aid funding alone.

A cultural pathology, and a downstream information failure

Beyond structure, Lovegrove identifies a cultural pathology that should be familiar to anyone tracking ALTO’s public communications. The Review records that HS2 Ltd’s board, and particularly its executive management and chair, developed what interviewees described as a fortress mentality — becoming cheerleaders not only for HS2 but for the cause of high-speed rail in the UK more generally, framing the project as ushering in a new era. The Review is unambiguous that this conception of the company’s role was misguided. Transport policy is for ministers; the company’s job is delivery within scope and budget.

This cultural finding matters because it generated a downstream information failure. Lovegrove quotes board members and reviewers describing the management information packs given to the HS2 Ltd board as forming a veil behind which less good news became difficult to assess or even identify, with the same problem persisting unaddressed years later — packs remaining unwieldy, format-inconsistent, and lacking prioritisation. Because the same data flowed through to government, the sponsor department was working from the same compromised information.

The CRI’s post-consultation work has documented precisely this pattern in ALTO’s public outputs. The disclosures in Q-923 on cost, ridership, and the self-sustaining claim use confidence framings that do not survive parametric stress-testing against McGill TRAM and Munk School sources. The marketing pivot identified through the Cossette ATI disclosures, and the unanswered status of TRAN Report 18 — published by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Transport, Infrastructure and Communities and left without a government response when Parliament was prorogued — are the documentary symptoms of an executive culture that has begun to treat advocacy as primary and delivery information as secondary. Lovegrove’s framework gives that observation a name and an authoritative diagnostic basis.

The candour of Sir Jon Thompson’s evidence to the Transport Committee on 10 January 2024 is worth pausing on, because it confirms the Lovegrove diagnosis from inside the institution. Thompson — himself a former Permanent Secretary at HM Revenue and Customs and at the Ministry of Defence, and a double-qualified accountant — told the Committee that when he joined the HS2 board in 2021 he was struck by the lack of data and scrutiny of programme finances; that the management information presented to the board was not robust enough to assess whether main civils contractors were meeting productivity targets; and that significant improvement only arrived in October 2023, two and a half years later. He described it as a shocking thing to say, but acknowledged that the quality of board-level management information had not been good enough. That is the senior executive of a major UK arm’s-length delivery body, on the parliamentary record, confirming the exact information failure the Lovegrove Review now documents externally.

When external reviews substitute for official advice

The Lovegrove Review devotes substantial attention to the Notice to Proceed decision in early 2020, when government formally committed to construction of HS2 Phase 1. The sequence is instructive. The Oakervee Review, an independent panel chaired by a former HS2 Ltd chair, recommended proceeding with the full route. Its report was published shortly after a Prime Minister–Chancellor–Secretary of State trilateral meeting had already reached the same conclusion. The formal Notice to Proceed was confirmed in March 2020.

Lovegrove’s criticism is not that the Oakervee Review was conducted in bad faith. It is that the official advice provided to ministers alongside the Oakervee report did not address alternative ways of delivering the project — as distinct from alternative projects — including options which would have led to a delay in construction while alternative designs, options, or contractual arrangements were sought. The external review effectively substituted for official advice on strategic choice.

This is the recommendation with the most direct bearing on where ALTO now sits. The work being produced by Cadence under its co-development contract, the public outputs of ALTO HSR Inc., and the materials prepared for the parliamentary process are all in danger of functioning as external review substituting for official advice on alternatives. The category of alternative Lovegrove insists should not be foreclosed before a Final Investment Decision — different speed classes, different route alignments, different contractual structures, different phasing — is exactly the category that has not been comparatively analysed for ALTO. A lower design speed in the order of 200 km/h, and a route making use of the 401 corridor rather than a new southern alignment, are concrete examples of the alternatives that would normally be costed and compared at this stage. They have not been.

The CRI’s March 2026 brief From HFR to ALTO already constitutes the kind of structured comparison Lovegrove says government itself should produce. It identifies eight pivotal changes that occurred between the December 2021 HFR Business Case and the February 2025 confirmation of ALTO as a high-speed system, and documents the absence of a published side-by-side cost-benefit comparison between the two options. The point under Lovegrove’s framework is not that citizen research is a substitute for official advice. It is that when an arm’s-length delivery body and the sponsor department do not produce that comparison themselves, and the government nonetheless proceeds, the conditions Lovegrove identifies as the proximate cause of the HS2 failure are present.

The lone dissenter the Cabinet Office now says was right

One paragraph of the Lovegrove Review deserves to be read by every parliamentarian considering ALTO. When the British government was deciding whether to proceed with HS2 in 2020, it commissioned an independent panel chaired by a former HS2 chair, Douglas Oakervee. The panel recommended proceeding with the full project. One member dissented — Lord Berkeley, a peer and former rail executive. His dissenting report cast doubt on the costings, the schedule, and the capability of HS2 Ltd to manage the project. He was dismissed at the time as methodologically unsound. His report was excluded from the panel’s formal conclusions.

That is the UK Cabinet Office, six years later, on the public record, telling Parliament that the man it ignored was right. His estimates were closer to reality than the ones ministers used to make the final decision. The institutional process designed to test his concerns failed.

This matters for Canada because it is the most authoritative statement any G7 government has ever made about the value of structured outside-the-tent analysis on a major infrastructure project. It does not validate every dissenting analysis automatically — Lovegrove notes that some of Berkeley’s specific methodological steps were questionable and that some of the cost increases arose from factors Berkeley did not identify — but it establishes that the dismissal of dissenting reference-class work as inherently less credible than insider forecasts has now been formally repudiated by one G7 government.

Two Cadence members were inside HS2

Two of the six members of the Cadence consortium selected by Canada to design, build, finance, operate and maintain ALTO were directly embedded in HS2 work during the period that the Lovegrove Review now criticises.

These observations are factual, not attributive. The Lovegrove Review is explicit that the institutional failure on HS2 lay primarily with HS2 Ltd’s governance and culture and secondarily with the Civil Service, not with the contractor firms per se. Many of the firms involved are world-leading rail engineers, and their inclusion in Cadence reflects that. The point is that two firms whose immediately prior major HSR engagement is now the subject of a Cabinet Office post-mortem on cost control are now central to ALTO’s design, build, and ongoing operation under a DBFOM structure. For parliamentarians and analysts considering whether the lessons of HS2 are being absorbed into ALTO’s procurement and oversight, this is a fact that warrants disclosure in any briefing material on the project.

What this changes

Canada has the same parliamentary system as the United Kingdom. The same Treasury Board controls. The same Crown corporation tools. The same Public Accounts Committee. The same Auditor General. The institutional architecture that failed at HS2 — and that Lovegrove has now diagnosed in unusual detail — is the architecture being used to deliver ALTO.

The Lovegrove and Stewart Reviews together represent the most current, most senior statement by a G7 government on what arm’s-length high-speed rail delivery requires of a Westminster-system sponsor department. The lessons set out in the Lovegrove Review are not lessons Canada needs to learn the hard way. They are available now.

Primary documents and statements