Tag: Toronto–Quebec City corridor

  • Which trains stop in kingston

    Which Trains Stop in Kingston?

    A probable station, an unpublished route, and the conditions Kingston City Council actually set.

    ⚠ New Statement: ALTO CEO on a Kingston Stop

    On 22 July 2026, ALTO chief executive Martin Imbleau told CBC Radio’s Ottawa Morning that Kingston will probably receive a station, citing demand — It’s doable, the ridership is very strong — because Kingston is a large community. In the same interview he said that most ALTO trains would pass through Kingston without stopping, along with Laval and Trois-Rivières, in order to preserve express service between the larger cities. CBC News

    No alignment has been published for the segment that would carry the station. ALTO has said the Montréal–Ottawa route goes to public feedback this autumn, with the Toronto–Ottawa segment — the one containing Kingston — to follow.

    Critical Finding

    The two statements cannot both carry the weight assigned to them. If Kingston’s demand justifies building a station, it justifies serving it; if the timetable cannot absorb the stop, something other than the ridership case is driving the decision. But the more consequential question is not whether Kingston receives a platform. It is how many useful trains Kingston has the day the line opens, counting both operators — and on that question the announcement is silent.

    Kingston City Council’s support is not unconditional and never was. Resolution 2026-73, adopted 17 February 2026 by a vote of 9–2, makes support for a southern route contingent upon development along the Highway 401 corridor around the South Frontenac and Kingston region and on a new stop being added in Kingston. It further asks that the route and stop sit as close to the urban core as possible, and resolves that if there is no station in Kingston, council formally opposes the southern route. Of these, the 22 July statement addresses one, provisionally. The 401 contingency and the urban-core request are not addressed at all.

    Meanwhile the service Kingston already has is exposed from the other direction. Transport Canada’s 2025–26 estimates record funding to support the planning and eventual transfer of VIA Rail’s Québec City–Windsor corridor operations to the private partner. More than 80 per cent of VIA Rail’s revenue comes from that corridor. A station served by a minority of ALTO trains, combined with a thinned conventional service on the existing line, can leave Kingston with fewer useful daily trains than it has today.

    The Arithmetic

    What an intermediate stop costs at 300 km/h

    A station call on a high-speed line is expensive in a way that is easy to underestimate. The train must decelerate from line speed, dwell at the platform, and accelerate back to line speed. On comparable systems the round-trip cost of a single intermediate stop is on the order of four to six minutes, before any allowance for the slower alignment geometry often required to reach a city-centre location.

    That penalty falls on every through passenger, on every train that stops. Because the project’s commercial proposition is journey time between the anchor cities, the timetable resolves the conflict in the predictable direction: the stop is retained, and most services are routed past it. This is what the chief executive described on 22 July, and it is a rational operating decision given the design speed.

    What it does not resolve is the capital exposure. The station, its platforms and approach works, and whatever alignment concession is required to bring the corridor within reach of Kingston are paid for in full, irrespective of how many trains call. A station served by a minority of services carries close to the full cost of one served by all of them while delivering a fraction of the utility. The frequency a passenger actually experiences — not the presence of a platform — determines whether a station changes travel behaviour.

    This is not an argument that Kingston should be excluded. It is an argument that a stop and a useful service are different commitments, and that only the first has been signalled.

    The Municipal Record

    What Kingston City Council actually resolved

    9–2
    council vote adopting Resolution 2026-73, as amended
    17 February 2026, meeting 2026-06
    33
    weekly Kingston stops the deferred VIA express pilot would have removed
    September 2025 proposal
    2029
    end of the development phase, after which the federal government decides whether to proceed
    ALTO briefing to council, February 2026

    In March 2025, on a motion from the mayor, Kingston City Council voted unanimously to withdraw its support for ALTO. The stated grievance was the change from VIA Rail’s earlier High Frequency Rail proposal, under which Kingston was to have been a regional hub.

    On 17 February 2026, council reversed that position. Senior ALTO representatives briefed council that evening, immediately before the vote. Eight delegations spoke to the motion — among them Queen’s University, Kingston Health Sciences Centre, the Downtown Kingston Business Improvement Area, Kingston Accommodation Partners and the Corridor Train Alliance; the minutes record none opposed. A motion to defer consideration to the March meeting was lost 3–8. Resolution 2026-73 then carried as amended, 9–2, with Councillors Glenn and McLaren opposed.

    The adopted text is more specific than the public discussion of it has generally been. Its four operative clauses:

    Clause 1 — the request

    Calls on the federal Minister of Transport to enhance ALTO’s mandate to include the addition of a Kingston stop on the proposed ALTO High-Speed Rail Southern Route between Peterborough and Ottawa.

    Clause 2 — the contingency

    Expresses support for a southern route contingent upon development along the Highway 401 corridor around the South Frontenac and Kingston region, and provided there is a new stop added that is in Kingston.

    Clause 3 — the location request

    Requests that the southern route and planned stop be located as close to the urban core of the city as possible.

    Clause 4 — the trigger

    Resolves that if there is no station in Kingston, council formally opposes the creation of the ALTO southern route as one that would bypass Kingston and offer no benefit to the city or Eastern Ontario.

    Clauses 1 and 2 do not describe the same corridor. The first asks the Minister to add a stop to the proposed southern route — the alignment already on the table, which despite its name still passes north of the city, and on which a station would sit roughly 25 to 30 minutes by road from downtown Kingston. The second makes support conditional on a Highway 401 alignment. The 401 contingency entered by amendment (carried 8–3); a second amendment (10–1) softened clause 2’s endorsement of the existing route, and left clause 1 as drafted.

    The word “southern” has caused some confusion locally. It describes a route that is southern relative to the Havelock alignment through Peterborough — not one that approaches the lakeshore or the existing rail corridor through Kingston. The practical question for the city is therefore not downtown versus not-downtown. It is whether a Kingston station would be co-located with the existing VIA Rail station, inside the city and inside the existing network, or built new on the far side of it.

    That is the inconsistency the two dissenting councillors identified on the night. Their objection was that language open to interpretation would be interpreted by others, and that Kingston risked breaking faith with South Frontenac Township — whose own council had days earlier opposed the line through the township and backed a route through Kingston instead.

    “The details do still matter.”Councillor Conny Glenn, on the February motion — reported in The Kingston Whig-Standard, 18 February 2026

    Five months later, ALTO can satisfy clause 1 without satisfying clause 2. A probable stop on the existing proposed southern alignment answers the request while leaving the contingency untouched — and nothing said on 22 July distinguishes between them.

    What Resolution 2026-73 conditions support onWhat the 22 July statement provides
    A new stop in Kingston (clauses 1, 2 and 4). Absent one, council formally opposes the southern route. A station described as probable, three years ahead of the federal decision on whether the project proceeds at all.
    Status Signalled, not committed
    Development along the Highway 401 corridor around the South Frontenac and Kingston region (clause 2) — the express contingency on which support rests. Not addressed. The Toronto–Ottawa segment is third in ALTO’s publication queue and has not been released for feedback.
    Status Not addressed
    Route and stop as close to the urban core as possible (clause 3). Not addressed. On the currently proposed southern alignment, which passes north of the city, a station would sit some 25 to 30 minutes by road from downtown and outside the existing rail network.
    Status Not addressed
    Service levels. Not addressed in the resolution, though its recitals rest on Kingston’s established rail demand and on a stop enabling meaningful shifts from passenger vehicles. Most trains would pass through without stopping. No daily calling frequency has been stated.
    Status Unstated on both sides

    The resolution was circulated to the Prime Minister, the Minister of Transport, ALTO’s chief executive, area MPs and MPPs, the Mayor of South Frontenac, and the Eastern Ontario Mayors’ and Wardens’ Caucuses. Its conditions are on the record with every party who would need to honour them.

    The Other Half of the Equation

    A new station is a gain only if the service Kingston has survives

    Transport Canada’s 2025–26 estimates record funding to VIA Rail to support the planning and eventual transfer of its Québec City–Windsor corridor passenger services to the private partner. That transfer is stated federal intent, not conjecture. More than 80 per cent of VIA Rail’s revenue and more than 90 per cent of its passengers are in that corridor.

    The consequence for Kingston follows directly from ALTO’s own numbers. The project’s ridership forecast depends substantially on diverting existing corridor rail passengers — travellers who, by definition, stop buying VIA tickets. The economics of the Kingston Subdivision would then rest on intermediate-point traffic alone, having lost the end-to-end market that carries them. Either frequencies fall, or subsidy rises, or both. This is an observation about the project’s arithmetic, not an accusation about anyone’s intentions.

    The commercial logic has already been demonstrated once

    In September 2025, VIA Rail announced a pilot running four daily trains non-stop between Montréal and Toronto, bypassing intermediate Eastern Ontario communities. For Kingston it would have removed 33 weekly stops and the first five morning departures, leaving an 11 a.m. first eastbound train and making same-day travel impractical. Kingston, Belleville and Napanee councils passed motions opposing it. It was postponed on operational constraints with CN — not withdrawn — and VIA stated it would continue pursuing direct Montréal–Toronto service.

    The same reasoning, ten months later, from the other operator

    What ALTO’s chief executive described on 22 July is the same commercial logic, applied to the same city, by operators whose corridor business is slated to converge under the transfer. Kingston’s downside case is not speculative. It was tabled ten months ago, quantified, and shelved rather than abandoned.

    The arithmetic Kingston should be doing is net

    A platform served by a minority of ALTO services, combined with a thinned conventional service on the existing line, can leave the city with fewer useful trains than it has today — while being announced as a gain. No party is presently negotiating the second half of that equation, and Resolution 2026-73 does not address it.

    The View From a Supporter of the Project

    A long-standing advocate for high-speed rail reaches the same conclusions

    On 15 July 2026, Transport Action Canada wrote to the Minister of Transport about the Kingston alignment; the letter was published by the organisation’s Ontario division on 22 July — the same day as the chief executive’s remarks. Transport Action Canada describes a decades-long record of advocating for high-speed rail in this corridor and welcomed the federal commitment to build it. Its letter is not an objection to the project. It is a warning about how this station is being contemplated, and its lead condition is that any ALTO stop in Kingston be co-located with the existing VIA Rail station.

    Access time cancels the time saving

    Transport Action Canada’s position is that any Kingston station must be co-located with, and fully integrated into, the existing VIA Rail network. Sited instead on ALTO’s currently proposed southern alignment — which they put at approximately 25 to 30 minutes by road from downtown Kingston — it would, in their assessment, likely fail to generate the anticipated ridership and modal shift, because the time spent reaching the station negates the journey-time advantage the line exists to deliver.

    The net effect on both operators

    The same letter states that such a station would divert passengers from VIA Rail, reducing ridership on existing services and increasing VIA Rail’s operating subsidy requirements — what the organisation calls a lose-lose scenario for both services. This is the net-frequency problem set out above, reached independently by an organisation that wants the project delivered.

    Existing corridors before new right-of-way

    The letter closes on the alignment question directly: of the two existing rights-of-way between Montréal and Toronto, one remains largely suitable for high-speed operation while the other could accommodate redirected freight if track capacity were restored. Every opportunity to use existing corridors, it argues, should be explored before undertaking the cost and disruption of an entirely new right-of-way. The letter also notes that the economic rationale and business case for the selected project — including the long-promised Joint Project Office report — have still not been published.

    Read alongside Resolution 2026-73, the letter sharpens what Kingston should be asking for. Council’s condition was a station; the more exacting question is which station — one that joins the network the city already uses, or one that starts a second, thinner network beside it.

    The Design Question Underneath

    “We cannot stop in all the communities” is a choice, not a constraint

    Asked about a possible stop at Smiths Falls, ALTO’s chief executive said VIA Rail remains an option for smaller communities, and that the project cannot serve every community if it is to remain fast and economical.

    The first half of that answer describes a two-tier corridor whose lower tier has no identified funder, no committed frequency, and no infrastructure pathway. The communities on that lower tier — Oshawa, Cobourg, Port Hope, Trenton Junction, Belleville, Napanee, Kingston, Gananoque, Brockville, Cornwall, Dorval — have, with one exception, no viable airport. For most, conventional rail is the only intercity connection to healthcare, post-secondary institutions and economic centres.

    The second half is presented as a constraint of physics. It is better understood as a consequence of a design choice. The number of communities a corridor can serve is a function of its design speed: the higher the speed, the more costly each stop becomes in schedule terms, and the fewer stops the business case will tolerate. A 300 km/h line is committed to skipping intermediate cities. A 200 km/h line is not.

    That is the case for High Performance Passenger Rail as an alternative approach — a lower design speed permitting intermediate communities to be served on the fast network itself, rather than skipped and then handed back to a legacy service whose future funding no one has described. It produces a slower headline journey time between Toronto and Montréal, and a materially better network for the roughly one million people living between them.

    Implications for autumn 2026

    What could still be settled before the Toronto–Ottawa route is published

    ALTO has stated that the Montréal–Ottawa alignment goes to public feedback this autumn, with the Toronto–Ottawa segment to follow. Kingston’s window to convert a signalled station into a specified one closes when that segment is published, not when it is built. The outstanding items divide into two categories.

    Within ALTO’s authority to answer now

    Whether the 401 contingency is being met Council’s support rests on development along the Highway 401 corridor around the South Frontenac and Kingston region. Confirming whether the segment under study satisfies that condition is a disclosure, not a study.
    Station location, co-location and access time Where the station would sit, whether it would be co-located with and integrated into the existing VIA Rail station, and the door-to-door journey time from downtown Kingston.
    Daily calling pattern at opening How many services call in each direction, and what commitment exists that the pattern survives timetable optimisation after opening.
    Station capital cost and its treatment The cost of the station and its approach works, and how it is carried in the business case.

    Requires a federal decision

    Conventional service after the corridor transfer What service operates on the existing Kingston Subdivision once corridor operations transfer, at what frequency, funded by whom, and under what protection. This sits with Parliament and the Minister, not with ALTO.
    Net frequency guarantee A commitment that a new station is additive to, not substitutive for, existing service — the demand advanced against the September 2025 express pilot, which applies unchanged to the pattern now described for ALTO.
    Whether the project proceeds at all The development phase runs to 2029, after which ALTO reports to the federal government and the decision to continue is taken. Every commitment discussed above is made in advance of that decision.
    Where things stand · July 2026

    Summary ledger

    Measured against the conditions Kingston City Council itself set:

    Signalled
    A new stop in Kingston. Described as probable by ALTO’s chief executive on 22 July 2026. No decision has been confirmed, and the mayor has said as much.
    Not addressed
    The Highway 401 contingency. Council’s support is expressly conditional on development along the 401 corridor around the South Frontenac and Kingston region. Nothing said on 22 July speaks to alignment.
    Not addressed
    Proximity to the urban core, and co-location. Whether a Kingston station would join the existing VIA Rail station and network, or be built new outside the city on an alignment passing north of it, determines its catchment, its access time and its ridership. The statement does not distinguish them.
    Contradicted
    Service frequency. The ridership justification and the express-running plan point in opposite directions. No daily calling pattern has been stated.
    Not addressed
    Conventional service after the corridor transfer. Frequency, funder and protection all unstated, on a line whose revenue base ALTO’s own forecast is designed to divert.
    Not addressed
    Net useful services. Whether Kingston has more usable daily trains after opening than before, counting both operators, is the only measure that answers the question residents are actually asking.
    Deferred
    The project decision itself. The development phase runs to 2029; the federal government decides afterwards whether to proceed.

    None of these questions presumes the project fails. Each asks only that the analysis behind the statement be disclosed — and, in the case of the 401 contingency, that a condition Kingston placed on its own support be answered before the Toronto–Ottawa alignment is fixed. Until then, what has been announced is an intention, not a service.

    Sources

    Primary documents and statements

    1.
    CBC News, “Kingston probably getting high-speed rail stop, says Alto CEO,” 22 July 2026 — interview with Martin Imbleau, CBC Radio Ottawa Morning. cbc.ca
    2.
    City of Kingston, Council Meeting Minutes 2026-06, 17 February 2026 — Resolution Number 2026-73, “Support for Alto High Speed Rail Southern Route, as Amended,” carried as amended 9–2; amendment votes 8–3 and 10–1; deferral motion lost 3–8; ALTO briefing and delegations recorded. cityofkingston.ca
    3.
    Elliot Ferguson, “Kingston city council supports a southern high-speed rail route,” The Kingston Whig-Standard, 18 February 2026 — contemporaneous report of the council debate and the dissenting councillors’ objections. thewhig.com
    4.
    Christena Lawrie, “Council votes to withdraw support for federal high speed rail project,” CFRC / Local Journalism Initiative, 13 March 2025 — unanimous withdrawal of support, and the regional hub commitment under the earlier High Frequency Rail proposal. cfrc.ca
    5.
    Kingstonist, “South Frontenac says no to high-speed rail line through township,” February 2026. kingstonist.com
    6.
    Transport Canada (2025–26). Supplementary Estimates: High-Speed Rail Initiative — funding to VIA Rail supporting the planning and eventual transfer of Québec City–Windsor corridor services to the private partner. tc.canada.ca
    7.
    Transport Action Canada, “VIA Rail launches Montréal–Toronto express trains but cuts service to lakeshore cities,” September 2025. transportaction.ca
    8.
    CBC News, “Via Montreal–Toronto pilot that skipped eastern Ontario postponed,” 29 September 2025. cbc.ca
    9.
    Kingstonist, “Pilot Pains: VIA Rail insists Kingston will remain among ‘best served’ cities in country,” 31 October 2025 — Belleville and Napanee council motions. kingstonist.com
    11.
    Tariq Khan, President, Transport Action Canada — letter to the Honourable Steven MacKinnon, Minister of Transport, “Re: Alto Kingston Alignment,” 15 July 2026. Published by Transport Action Ontario as “General Support for Alto Kingston Alignment, but Concerns Exist,” 22 July 2026. ontario.transportaction.ca   letter (PDF)
  • Two point two trillion

    Two Point Two Trillion

    ALTO’s headline economic claim is true of the Canada that existed in 2019. It is presented to the public as today’s.

    ⚠ Two studies, two summaries

    ALTO has commissioned two economic studies and published both. Aviseo Consulting produced a computer model of the effect of high-speed rail on the whole Canadian economy. CPCS, working with HDR, produced a study of its effect on tourism. Both reports are careful. Both state their limits plainly. Both are free to download from ALTO’s website.

    This brief is not about those studies. It is about the difference between what they say and what ALTO says they say. That difference is where the public numbers come from — and it is what a travel trade article repeated to a wide audience on July 20, 2026, without opening either report.

    What we found, in one minute

    The famous 1.1 per cent is 1.1 per cent of Canada’s 2019 economy. The Aviseo report says so on page 13, in those words. ALTO’s public pages drop the year and call the money “today’s value.” Canada’s economy is now about a third bigger than it was in 2019, so the same claim in today’s money would be about $36.5 billion, not $24.5 billion — or, if you keep the dollar figure, about 0.74 per cent, not 1.1.

    Almost all of it is one assumption. Of the $24.4 billion the model produces, $21.0 billion comes from assuming businesses in and around Toronto, Montréal, Ottawa and Québec City become 3 per cent more productive. Change that one dial to 2 per cent and the answer is $13.8 billion. Change it to 5 per cent and it is $34.5 billion. ALTO publishes the middle figure and not the range.

    The two studies disagree with each other about tourism. Aviseo counts international visitors only and says domestic tourism is mostly people spending money they would have spent anyway. CPCS builds its headline on domestic travel within the corridor. The two use different methods that cannot be added together. Neither of ALTO’s summaries mentions the other study.

    And in the tourism study’s base case, the small towns get nothing at all. Under the scenario where no extra tourism policy is put in place, Peterborough and Trois-Rivières receive zero additional visitor spending and zero additional GDP. The blog post announcing that study is titled “How High-Speed Rail Will Boost Tourism from Big Cities to Small Towns.”

    The Arithmetic

    1.1 per cent of which year?

    ALTO’s website puts the claim in one line: a “1.1% increase in Canada’s GDP ($24.5 billion in today’s value)”. GDP means the total size of the economy — everything the country produces in a year.

    Work backwards from those two numbers and you can calculate how big the economy would have to be for both to be right at once.

    $24.4B
    the benefit the study actually reports
    Aviseo report, Table 1
    1.1%
    the share of the economy that represents
    Aviseo report, page 13
    $2.22T
    the size of economy where both are true
    $24.4 billion divided by 1.1 per cent

    Statistics Canada measures the economy every three months. In the first quarter of 2026 it came to $3,321,588 million — about $3.32 trillion. That is roughly $1.1 trillion more than the figure the two numbers imply. Statistics Canada

    The study explains why, and it is not hiding anything. The Aviseo model is built on Statistics Canada’s 2019 picture of the economy, chosen because 2020 and 2021 were pandemic years and the data from them is not reliable. Page 13 then states the result carefully: the gain is about $24.4 billion, which is roughly 1.1 per cent of Canada’s 2019 GDP.

    That is the whole finding. The study says 2019. ALTO’s website says “today’s value.”

    If you use the 1.1 per cent

    Applied to today’s economy, the benefit would be about $36.5 billion a year. ALTO’s published dollar figure understates its own claim by roughly a third.

    If you use the $24.4 billion

    Measured against today’s economy, that is about 0.74 per cent — not 1.1. The headline percentage is too high for the dollar figure beside it.

    There is a further wrinkle worth knowing. The model is what economists call static. It does not project forward year by year. It asks a single question: what would 2019 have looked like if the railway had already been running? The report says so directly. That means there is no discounting and no present-value calculation anywhere in it — so the phrase “in today’s value” describes a piece of arithmetic the study never performed.

    Where The Number Comes From

    Almost all of it is a single dial

    The model adds up three separate effects. The report breaks them out, so we can see exactly how much each one contributes to the $24.4 billion.

    ChannelContributionShare of total
    Productivity — businesses getting more done because cities are better connected$21.0B86%
    Labour supply — people working more hours because commuting is quicker$2.7B11%
    Tourism — extra spending by international visitors$0.8B3%
    Total$24.4B100%

    Nearly nine tenths of the headline comes from the productivity line. So it is worth knowing exactly how that number was produced.

    The modellers picked a figure from the international research for how much more productive businesses become when a fast rail link arrives. The research offers a range. They chose 3 per cent for their middle case, then applied it to the economies of four metropolitan areas: Toronto, Montréal, Ottawa and Québec City.

    Those four metros produce roughly a third of Canada’s economy. Three per cent of a third is about one per cent. The headline is close to being arithmetic from the assumption rather than a discovery about railways.

    What happens when you move the dial

    The report tests three settings. At 2 per cent, the total is about $13.8 billion. At 3 per cent, it is $24.4 billion. At 5 per cent, it is $34.5 billion. Across everything the report tests, the full range runs from $14.8 billion to $41.0 billion. ALTO’s blog post and website give one number from the middle of that range and no range at all.

    And note which places are in the calculation

    Toronto, Montréal, Ottawa and Québec City. Not Peterborough. Not Trois-Rivières. Not Laval. The model gives the productivity benefit — nearly nine tenths of the whole claim — to the four largest cities on the line and to nowhere else.

    The research the modellers drew on says these effects concentrate within about 30 kilometres of a station. Because nobody knows yet where the stations will be, the study used each city’s whole metropolitan area as a stand-in for that 30-kilometre circle. The report is open about this. It means the 3 per cent boost is applied to every business in those metros, including the great many that will never go near the train.

    Study Versus Summary

    What the reports say, and what the blog posts say

    Both studies are honest about their limits. Both blog posts announcing them are not. This is the pattern at the centre of this brief.

    What the report saysWhat ALTO’s summary says
    Aviseo: the gain is roughly 1.1 per cent of Canada’s 2019 GDP.ALTO’s blog: the analysis concludes ALTO will permanently uplift Canada’s GDP by 1.1 per cent. No year. ALTO’s benefits page: $24.5 billion in today’s value.
    Dropped:The base year
    Aviseo: results run from $14.8B to $41.0B depending on which assumptions are used.One figure, from the middle. The range appears in neither the blog post nor any public ALTO page.
    Dropped:The range
    Aviseo: the study deliberately excludes construction and operating costs, looking only at long-term effects.Presented as the economic case for building the railway. A study that excludes costs cannot tell you whether a project is worth its price.
    Dropped:The scope limit
    CPCS: the scenarios are illustrative, order-of-magnitude, and “should not be interpreted as forecasts.”ALTO’s blog: CPCS developed forecasts, and the report includes tangible projections giving real-world, objective results.
    Reversed:The report’s own caution
    CPCS: three scenarios — $177M, $1.0B, $3.9B in added GDP, depending on how much tourism policy is coordinated.The middle figure only. The low scenario, roughly six times smaller, is not mentioned.
    Dropped:The low case
    Both reports: commissioned and paid for by ALTO. Aviseo’s cover states the work was undertaken on ALTO’s behalf. CPCS notes the opinions are the authors’ own.Both blog posts describe the consultants as independent — in the same passage that says ALTO engaged them.
    Stretched:The word “independent”

    To be clear about who did what

    Neither consultancy has done anything wrong here. Aviseo tested six different sets of economic assumptions and two labour-market conditions, ran close to a hundred simulations, reported ranges throughout, and stated its base year. CPCS labelled its scenarios illustrative and warned against reading them as forecasts. The reports are the careful part. The summaries are where the caution disappears.

    Two Studies, One Question

    The two reports disagree about tourism

    Both studies estimate how much extra economic activity tourism would bring. They arrive at similar-looking numbers by opposite routes, and the two cannot simply be added together or compared.

    Aviseo — $0.8 billionCPCS — $1.0 billion
    Counts international visitors only. The report says domestic tourism is largely people spending money they would have spent somewhere else in Canada anyway, so it has limited effect on the national total.

    Uses a model of the whole economy, which subtracts activity drawn away from elsewhere.
    Its middle scenario is driven mostly by travel within the corridor — exactly the domestic tourism Aviseo set aside.

    Uses a simpler method that adds up ripple effects through suppliers and wages without subtracting what was displaced. This produces larger figures by design.
    Result:Two numbers that cannot be combined

    There is a third figure in circulation. ALTO’s FAQ page advertises $800 million a year in tourism revenue. That matches Aviseo’s contribution-to-GDP figure, which is not the same thing as revenue — and it matches no revenue figure in either report.

    So ALTO’s public materials carry a tourism benefit that is variously $0.8 billion of national output, $1.0 billion of national output, and $800 million of revenue, drawn from two studies using incompatible methods, one of which discounts the category the other relies on. Neither blog post mentions that the other study exists.

    The Small Towns

    In the base case, two station cities get zero

    The CPCS tourism study models three futures. The railway is identical in all three. What differs is how much extra tourism policy governments put in place around it — last-mile transit, regional shuttles, coordinated visitor information. The low coordination scenario is the one where the railway gets built and nothing else changes.

    CityLow coordinationHigh coordination
    Toronto$37Mup to $1,500M
    Québec City$50Mup to $500M
    Montréal (incl. Laval)$44Mup to $900M
    Ottawa-Gatineau$21Mup to $560M
    Trois-Rivières$0up to $25M
    Peterborough$0up to $35M

    Zero. Not a small amount — nothing. The report’s GDP table records the same: Peterborough unchanged at $475 million, Trois-Rivières unchanged at $318 million.

    Even under full corridor-wide coordination, Peterborough reaches up to $35 million against Toronto’s $1.5 billion — roughly 43 to 1. The blog post announcing this study is titled “How High-Speed Rail Will Boost Tourism from Big Cities to Small Towns.”

    The Initiative has examined this study in full elsewhere — its scope, the conditions attached to its scenarios, the rural corridor regions left outside its frame, and the cost side it does not count. Benefits for Stations, Costs for the Corridor

    The Missing Side

    A study that cannot tell you if it is worth it

    The Aviseo report states in its introduction that it deliberately leaves out construction and operating costs, in order to focus on long-term effects. That is a reasonable choice for the study. It has a consequence.

    A benefit figure with no cost beside it cannot answer the only question that matters: is this worth building? The report never claims to answer it. ALTO’s summary presents it as though it does, and the trade coverage went further still, running the entire economic case without a single dollar of cost anywhere in it.

    The cost side is not a mystery. It is simply somewhere else. ALTO’s published figure is $60 to $90 billion — a range its own chief executive has described as a working assumption rather than an estimate, with real numbers not expected until 2027 or 2028, after the route is chosen. The Initiative’s analysis of the full ledger puts ALTO’s central benefit-cost ratio at about 0.11, against the 1.0 that marks a project paying its way. Financial Analysis

    The shape of the published record

    The benefit is modelled in detail by two consultancies, published to two significant figures, and repeated by every outlet covering the project. The cost is a range spanning $30 billion, described by the proponent as an assumption, and resolvable only after the decision it is meant to inform has been taken. That asymmetry is the finding, not the individual numbers.

    This is the pattern the Oxford researcher Bent Flyvbjerg documents across large infrastructure projects worldwide: benefits arrive early, precisely, and in dollars; costs arrive late, as ranges, after commitment.

    The Chain

    Six weeks, and nobody opened the reports

    The article that prompted this brief promised readers what others are missing about ALTO’s economics, and led on tourism. Here is what had already been published.

    2019
    The year of the economy the Aviseo model is built on. Everything downstream is expressed in this year’s terms.
    2024
    Aviseo runs the model. ALTO supplies its passenger forecasts in May and June.
    June 8, 2026
    ALTO publishes “How High-Speed Rail Will Boost Tourism from Big Cities to Small Towns,” with the full CPCS tourism report attached for download.
    June 2026
    The Aviseo report is uploaded to ALTO’s website.
    July 13, 2026
    ALTO publishes “How Alto Will Reshape Canada’s Economy,” with the full Aviseo report attached for download. It states the 1.1 per cent without the year, the range, or the cost exclusion.
    July 20, 2026
    A travel trade site publishes a long article on ALTO’s economics and tourism benefits under a headline promising what others are missing. Its two themes are the two blog posts. It cites neither report, calls the analysis independent, and contains no cost figure of any kind.

    Seven days after one blog post and six weeks after the other. The tourism angle presented as the overlooked discovery had been the subject of an entire ALTO blog post and a 42-page commissioned report, both freely available, for a month and a half.

    Why this matters more than one bad article

    Each outlet in a chain like this can be cited by the next as confirmation. A figure that has never been independently checked ends up looking like something everybody agrees on, purely because it has been repeated. In this case the answer was not hidden. It was a click away from the page the article was working from.

    Signs the article was not really reported

    The main image is labelled as made by artificial intelligence. The story is filed under United States travel news. The site’s automatic topic tags misfire visibly — a Rail Freight tag on a paragraph about tourism, an Urban Transit tag on a paragraph about intercity travel. Every paragraph is two or three sentences, hedged with “could” and “may,” beneath a headline that sounds certain. Nobody is quoted or interviewed anywhere in it.

    Summary · July 2026

    Where things stand

    Wrong year
    “$24.5 billion in today’s value.” The study says 1.1 per cent of Canada’s 2019 GDP. In today’s economy the same claim is either $36.5 billion or 0.74 per cent, not $24.5 billion and 1.1 per cent.
    Wrong kind
    “Today’s value” describes a calculation the study never did. The model is static and contains no discounting. Its results are annual, not a one-time total.
    Dropped
    The range. Aviseo reports $14.8B to $41.0B. CPCS reports $177M, $1.0B and $3.9B. ALTO publishes one figure from the middle of each.
    Dropped
    The scope limit. Aviseo excludes costs by design. The study is presented as the economic case for a project whose price it never considered.
    Reversed
    “Should not be interpreted as forecasts.” CPCS’s words. ALTO’s summary calls the same scenarios forecasts, tangible projections and objective results.
    Contradicted
    Benefits for small towns. Under the scenario where only the railway is built, Peterborough and Trois-Rivières receive $0. The blog announcing that report is titled “from Big Cities to Small Towns.”
    Unreconciled
    Two tourism figures. $0.8B from one study counting international visitors, $1.0B from another counting domestic travel, by methods that cannot be combined — plus $800M of “revenue” on the FAQ that matches neither.
    Stretched
    “Independent.” Both consultancies were engaged and paid by ALTO, which both blog posts state in the same passage that calls them independent.
    Fragile
    Nine tenths of the claim rests on one assumption — a 3 per cent productivity gain applied to four metropolitan economies. At 2 per cent the total is $13.8B; at 5 per cent, $34.5B.
    Sound
    The studies themselves. Both are careful, both state their limits, both are published in full and free to download. Our argument is with the summaries, not the analysis.

    What we are and are not saying

    We are not saying high-speed rail cannot bring economic benefits, and we are not criticising the consultants who did this work.

    We are saying that ALTO commissioned two careful studies and then published summaries that removed the base year, the ranges, the scope limits and the warnings — and that the resulting figures now circulate as settled facts. On the arithmetic, the position is narrow and easy to check: 1.1 per cent and $24.5 billion cannot both describe today’s Canada, and the study says which year they describe.

    ALTO could correct this in a sentence. Adding the words “of 2019 GDP” to its benefits page would make the claim accurate.

    Download
    Two Point Two Trillion — Full Brief (PDF)
    The complete analysis, with all figures, tables and sources
    Download PDF
    Sources

    Where our figures come from

    1.Aviseo Consulting, An Overview of the Structural Economic Impacts of Alto: Computable General Equilibrium Modelling Approach, June 2026. Prepared on behalf of ALTO. Source of the 2019 calibration, the $24.4 billion figure, the 1.1 per cent of 2019 GDP statement (page 13), the $14.8B–$41.0B range, the channel breakdown, and the productivity settings of 0.02, 0.03 and 0.05. altotrain.ca (PDF)
    2.ALTO, “How Alto Will Reshape Canada’s Economy,” blog post, July 13, 2026. States the 1.1 per cent without the base year or range, and describes the commissioned report as independent. Links the Aviseo report. altotrain.ca
    3.CPCS, in association with HDR, Tourism in the Alto Corridor: Current Conditions and Potential Impacts, June 2026. Prepared for ALTO. Source of the three coordination scenarios, the per-city spending and GDP tables, the statement that the scenarios should not be interpreted as forecasts, and the finding on business spending declines. altotrain.ca (PDF)
    4.ALTO, “How High-Speed Rail Will Boost Tourism from Big Cities to Small Towns,” blog post, June 8, 2026. Reports the medium scenario only, and describes the scenarios as forecasts and tangible projections. Links the CPCS report. altotrain.ca
    5.ALTO, “Discover Alto’s Many Benefits,” project benefits page. Source of the “$24.5 billion in today’s value” phrasing and the construction and operational jobs figures. altotrain.ca
    6.ALTO, “Answering your questions.” Source of the $800 million annual tourism revenue claim. altotrain.ca
    7.Statistics Canada, Gross domestic product, income and expenditure, first quarter 2026, released May 29, 2026. Table 1 gives gross domestic product at market prices, seasonally adjusted at annual rates, of $3,321,588 million for the first quarter of 2026. Underlying series: Table 36-10-0103-01. Table 1  ·  Table 36-10-0103-01
    8.Rituparna Dutta Choudhury, “Canada’s Toronto–Québec City High-Speed Rail Could Unlock GDP Growth: What Others Are Missing About Alto’s Billion Dollar Economic Transformation,” Travel and Tour World, July 20, 2026. travelandtourworld.com
    9.ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, ALTO Financial Analysis. Source of the benefit-cost ratio of approximately 0.11, the cost-per-kilometre model, and the achievable ridership frontier of 5 to 12 million annual trips against ALTO’s 24 million target. citizenresearch.ca
    10.ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, Tourism Study brief, June 2026. Examines the scope of the CPCS study, including the exclusion of rural corridor regions. citizenresearch.ca
    11.Bent Flyvbjerg, on optimism bias, strategic misrepresentation and reference-class forecasting in the appraisal of large infrastructure projects.
  • Chapter 1: What is HPR

    Coalition for Better Rail · Research Brief · The HPR Framework

    What is HPR?

    An alternative built around the journey people actually take — not the top speed on the brochure.

    High-Performance Rail (HPR) is an integrated framework for modernising passenger and freight rail along an existing transportation corridor. Rather than a single greenfield high-speed line, HPR treats the corridor as one system to be optimised as a whole: a new-build passenger spine where new track earns its place, upgrades to existing infrastructure where they deliver more per dollar, and freight capacity improvements that let passenger and freight services each run to their own business model. It is designed to compete on total door-to-door travel time, to reach city centres and the communities in between, and to be delivered in affordable, demonstrable stages.

    Download
    What is HPR? — Chapter 1 (PDF)
    The HPR framework in full: the three-part structure, the ten principles, and the case for a made-in-Canada alternative to greenfield high-speed rail
    Download PDF
    The Framework

    Three parts, one corridor strategy

    HPR is not a single thing but a whole-system approach with two working halves. The framework combines a passenger spine and a freight dimension into one corridor strategy, appraised together and delivered incrementally — so each mode can grow to its own business model rather than being forced onto the other’s infrastructure.

    HPR — High-Performance Rail · the framework

    The whole-system approach. HPR combines the passenger spine and the freight dimension into one corridor strategy, appraised together and delivered incrementally.

    HPPR — High-Performance Passenger Rail · the spine

    The physical passenger railway: new-build and grade-separated where the corridor requires it, engineered for reliable operation at speeds up to 240 km/h (150 mph), serving downtowns and the communities along the route.

    HPFR — High-Performance Freight Rail · the freight dimension

    The capacity that untangles freight from passenger obligations. Freed from passenger scheduling, freight can run to a more flexible timetable and operate longer trains — the levers that drive a lower operating ratio — so each mode grows without subordinating the other on shared track.

    The Ten Principles

    What HPR is built on

    01
    Holistic optimization. Treat the rail network as a single system to be optimised as a whole, respecting the disparate business models of freight and passenger operations rather than forcing one onto the other’s infrastructure. Avoid projects that monopolize funding, starving the many smaller improvements that would together deliver more.
    02
    A community railway. Build a railway that benefits the communities along the route, with the potential to deliver genuine, long-term prosperity to the places it passes — integrating them rather than alienating them, and so reducing community friction, political risk and ultimately cost.
    03
    Untangle freight from passenger. Build the capacity to separate freight from passenger obligations, so each can run to its own service pattern without one subordinating the other.
    04
    Fast enough. Target typical speeds in the 180–240 km/h band — fast enough to compete door-to-door without the greenfield-only alignments that higher speeds demand. A 240 km/h maximum is also the safer option in extreme temperatures (±30 °C).
    05
    Safe, comfortable and productive. Deliver a journey a car or plane cannot: grade separation and modern rolling stock make rail among the safest ways to travel, while generous space lets passengers work, rest or connect en route. Time on the train is usable time — a decisive advantage over driving.
    06
    Frequent and punctual. Compete on turn-up-and-go frequency and dependable punctuality — an on-time performance (OTP) above 90%, sustained through Canadian winters. Reliability, not peak speed, is what earns a traveller’s trust.
    07
    Downtown access and corridor communities. Prioritise city-centre access and serve the communities along the route, not only the endpoint city-pairs.
    08
    New-build plus upgrades. Combine new construction with upgrades to existing rail infrastructure, using each where it delivers the most value.
    09
    Mixed service on shared track. Allow regional, commuter and intercity services to operate over the same tracks, with freed freight capacity as a deliberate co-benefit.
    10
    Incremental investment strategy. Deliver in stages and invest where benefits are demonstrable — phasing improvements so each tranche earns its place, and avoiding the cost and risk concentration of a single megaproject.
    How HPR Differs

    A North American solution

    The defining difference is what the railway is optimised for. A design that chases 300-plus km/h commits, almost by necessity, to a new greenfield alignment — long straight sections, wide curve radii and bypasses that route around the very communities and city centres a passenger service exists to reach, with speed on the open track bought back in access time, capital and carbon. HPR inverts that priority: by accepting typical speeds in the 180–240 km/h range it can follow the existing corridor, upgrade what already works where prudent, reach downtowns directly, all while liberating capacity for freight — competitive door-to-door at a fraction of the capital exposure, in stages that can be re-scoped as evidence matures.

    It is also a difference of provenance. A greenfield high-speed line is essentially an imported experiment — the French passenger-rail model, built for a temperate, densely settled geography and a network that carries no freight. Established North American railroading is the opposite: freight-dominated, shared-track, and tested by hard winters and long distances. HPR is engineered for that reality — made in Canada, for Canadian conditions. It fosters domestic technology transferable to subsequent Canadian projects rather than transplanted from France, and is best understood not as a slower high-speed railway but as a different answer for a distinctly different continent: how to move the most people and freight, to the most useful places, at car-competitive prices, for the most defensible investment with the lowest possible risk.

    Travel Time, Not Speed

    The clock, not the speedometer

    A journey is not a single dash between two stations; it is a chain — reaching the station, waiting for the departure, the run itself, and getting to the final destination at the far end. Top speed touches only one link in that chain. Once access, waiting and egress are counted, the line-haul run is a fraction of the door-to-door total, and shaving it delivers steeply diminishing returns: the gap between 240 and 300 km/h saves minutes on the segment that is already the smallest part of the trip.

    Worse, the alignments that permit the highest speeds tend to push stations out of city centres, adding access and egress time that can outweigh whatever the faster run saved — so a train that is quicker on paper can be slower in practice. Frequency compounds the point: a train leaving soon beats a faster one you must wait an hour to board.

    The measure that matters

    Measured the way travellers actually experience it — and against the car, which over a corridor drive of some 540 kilometres is the real competitor — the figure that matters is the reliable door-to-door clock, not the number on the fastest stretch of track.

    The Price Lever

    Pricing for a car-centric market

    In a car-centric culture, the railway’s real competitor is not the airplane or the existing train but the private car — and against a car already owned, a trip is judged on its perceived marginal cost. That makes price the most direct lever on whether people switch. A line built at megaproject cost must recover that capital somewhere, and fares set to service debt price discretionary travellers straight back into their cars, hollowing out the very ridership the business case assumed. HPR’s lower capital cost is therefore not only a fiscal virtue but a demand strategy: a railway that costs less to build can price to fill trains rather than to service debt. Frequency, downtown access and reliable door-to-door times create the conditions for mode shift; price is what converts them into boardings — and where most trips default to the car, that fare is often the difference between a full train and an empty one.

    What HPR Is Not

    Neither political, nor all at once

    HPR is not a political project. Its route, its staging and its scope follow the evidence — engineering, economics and demographics — not political convenience or partisan preference. Where a claim cannot be grounded in that evidence, it is not made.

    Nor is it everything at once. Stage 1 — the scope of the current report — is deliberately bounded: it does not detour via Peterborough, it reaches Ottawa over upgraded existing lines rather than costly new-build, and it defers Québec City to a later stage. Each further stage is added only when the evidence and the need justify it.

    The Pitch

    A case built to be checked

    HPR does not ask to be believed; it asks to be checked. Every figure in its case is meant to be traced to a source, tested against what comparable projects actually cost and carried, and stated with its uncertainty rather than its best case. Where a promotional business case leads with a single confident number, HPR leads with a range and the reference class behind it — because the honest way to forecast a railway is from the record of railways already built, not from the hopes, ambitions and bias of the proponents hoping to build it.

    The result is a stronger case, not a softer one. HPR delivers a passenger spine that beats the car on door-to-door time at a fraction of the capital a greenfield high-speed line demands; freight capacity that lifts the operating ratio instead of fighting passengers for slots; benefits that arrive in stages, each proven before the next is committed; and an environmental and cost profile that improves, rather than worsens, once the whole life of the asset is counted. It needs no optimistic ridership and no heroic cost control, and no slick advertorials to stand up. That is the pitch: not the fastest railway that can be drawn, but the one that will be built, used, and pay its way — the case that survives the scrutiny the alternative cannot.

  • Development ethics for Alto

    Guest Submission · Development Ethics

    Development Ethics for Alto

    Brief to the Alto online public consultation

    JD
    Jay Drydyk
    Professor Emeritus, Carleton University
    Past President, International Development Ethics Association
    Publisher’s Note

    The ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative is pleased to publish this guest brief with the author’s permission. It is reproduced as written; the analysis, rankings, and recommendations are Dr. Drydyk’s own. Footnotes appear as endnotes at the foot of the page.

    Section 1

    The contractor and the public

    Suppose our roof is damaged, and we are restricted by our bank to dealing with only one contractor for the repair. The contractor tells us there are two options, A and B, both of which are risky and expensive. Then we find out there is a third option, which is not so risky or expensive. The contractor has not only concealed this from us but now refuses to talk about it.

    Is this an ethically acceptable way of doing business? No, it seems to violate basic values of honesty and transparency.

    By analogy, this seems to be how Alto has tried to do business with us as a public. The roof is our broken inter-city transportation system. The two expensive and risky options are two new high-speed rail [HSR] corridors put forward in the Alto project proposal of 2025-26. What I will call the ‘northern Shield corridor’ lies north of Highway 7, and what I will call the ‘Frontenac/Napanee corridor’ lies south of Highway 7. Farther south another corridor already exists, along the CN right of way and Highway 401. This third, most southerly corridor is the one that Alto is reluctant to discuss.1

    To put this in another way, the imaginary contractor and the real agents of Alto are both selling their solutions with logical fallacies. The contractor tells us: you need to fix your roof, so you need my options A or B. Alto: you need to fix your broken transportation system, so you need a new transportation corridor. Neither argument follows, because in each case there is a third option.

    Section 2

    Good development vs. maldevelopment

    Some development is worthwhile, but some is quite undesirable; this is an ethical difference, based on values, and with 80 years of post-WWII experience we know a lot about what these values are. Worthwhile development not only produces more, it also enhances people’s well-being and freedom, so that they are better able to shape their own lives for the better; it also does so equitably and sustainably. These are the pillars of what has been identified as a worthwhile ‘human development’ approach by the influential economist Mahbub ul Haq in collaboration with Nobel laureate Amartya Sen.2

    Meanwhile, other development researchers have studied what these broad values require in practice in cases of development projects (like Alto) that involve land-taking.3 Some guidance can be found in national legal systems, in international human rights law, and in operational policies of international financial institutions. Yet the evidence shows that ‘even when all three approaches are applied consistently, outcomes … are generally still poor’, impacting negatively on the livelihoods and well-being of people affected.4 A recent synthesis of this research has formulated six guiding principles to fill these gaps. Three of these are most significant for the Alto proposal:

    2. Fair procedures: promote inclusive decision-making through a fair and transparent procedure from the outset and throughout the lifecycle of the project;

    3. Fair distribution: ensure a fair distribution of impacts and benefits and align with the Sustainable Development Goals;

    6. Remedy and accountability: ensure remedy and accountability through access to grievance redress mechanisms, remediation and legal recourse.5

    These values and principles help to distinguish between good development and maldevelopment in five dimensions of the Alto proposal: public interest, landowner impact, community impact, environmental impact, and Indigenous peoples’ consent.

    Section 3

    Public interest, public need

    Development ethics tells us that people should not be displaced and land should not be taken for development except for projects that are in the public interest.6 What does ‘public interest’ mean here? It means that the gains or advantages created by the project are not entirely private gains, that very significant gains accrue to us as a public. An important standard of public interest is public need. Building schools and hospitals involves land-taking, by which some residents may be displaced, and yet there is great gain to the public, in having schools and hospitals, simply because schools and hospitals are things we need, as a public. This does not entail that building a particular school in a particular place is the best way to meet this need, but it does give very strong reason for building some such school where it is most needed.

    The term ‘high-speed rail’ has been used with different meanings in recent discussions, and so I want to be clear that what I will mean is rail service with maximum speeds faster than 200km/hr. This range corresponds with the definition of HSR by the International Union of Railways.7 This range includes what Alto means by ‘high-speed’, which is faster than 300km/hr, but it also includes speeds in the 200 range. Unlike the Alto definition (>300km/hr), the broader UIC definition captures the majority of high-speed rail services currently offered in Japan and Europe.8

    There is a strong case that high-speed rail, in this sense, is a public need in Ontario and Québec. According to this argument, HSR is needed to shift people’s choices in the Ontario-Québec corridor from airplanes, cars, and buses to trains. This is needed for two main reasons. First, continued reliance on cars, buses, and airplanes, for generations to come, has an unacceptable carbon footprint, which will contribute to ever greater loss of life, property, homes, and habitats through climate change. Second, continued reliance on cars, buses, and airplanes imposes a drag on economic productivity, putting downward pressure on livelihoods and well-being throughout the economy. For these two reasons, it is argued, we have a long-term need to change the mode of inter-city transport in this corridor, and, to achieve this we have a long-term public need for high-speed rail.9

    However, this does not determine where and how HSR should be built – with one exception. Building HSR stations at locations removed from city centres defeats the purpose of HSR (for travelers) by adding commuting time to reach the stations.10 As to where and how HSR is built, public benefit is only one value that matters: we also have equity/fairness/justice and sustainability to consider. There are equity issues pertaining to landowners, communities, and Indigenous peoples, which I will consider in the next three sections; environmental values will be considered in section 7. All of these raise further issues of accountability.

    Section 4

    Landowner impact

    When we notice unfairness or injustice, we are perceiving some kind of deprivation as being wrong. Even if a development project meets public needs and creates public benefits, our intuitive sense of justice will object if the project imposes unwarranted burdens and harms on others. It remains true for cooking that, ‘If you want make an omelet you have to break some eggs,’ – but not as a metaphor excusing harmful development. Thus it is widely accepted that development projects should not make people worse off, either by displacing them from their land, or through other community impacts.11

    Paying people market value for the land that is taken from them may still leave them worse off. One reason is the impact of land-taking on livelihoods. When his land was assessed for compensation by an oil pipeline project, a Ugandan farmer remarked, ‘I had 10 mango trees where I used to make a lot of money every season and look after 11 dependents, we got only 670,000 [shillings] … they didn’t think about the capital value required to plant new trees and how many years it would take us to start harvesting fruits again.’12 The Alto project does not threaten any mango trees in Eastern Ontario, but it does threaten to impact livelihoods by dividing farms. It may be possible to mitigate these effects, but it would be complicated: organizing and paying for land swaps so that each farm is made whole by other land on the same side of the fenced-off right of way. One challenge of land replacement strategies like these is to ensure that the replacement land is of as good quality as the land lost. If this is not possible, compensation for lost revenue/livelihood would require revenue sharing plans on the part of the project.

    The Ontario Federation of Agriculture has stated:

    It is not acceptable for any railway to divide properties and thereby “landlock” the interior of the lot. Any crossing must be at least 10 metres wide to allow large and irregularly shaped farm and forestry equipment to be conveyed safely across the railway. Over- and underpasses must be engineered to accommodate the weight, height, and width of not only today’s farm and forestry equipment but also what machines may be used in the future. Crossings must also be engineered to prevent equipment rollovers. Alto must also preserve drainage system functionality and not adversely affect natural drainage systems.

    Alto has stated that the entirety of the railway corridor will be fenced. Alto must consult on the fencing design to ensure farm animals cannot stray onto the tracks, as some farm animals have special fencing needs.

    In addition, Transport Canada and Alto must provide fair and proportionate compensation for other negative affections caused by the railway, which will permanently affect farm production and limit growth potential.13

    The issue here is equity: if these effects are not fully mitigated and/or compensated, the farmers will bear special burdens for the building of high-speed rail – as if an arbitrary high-speed rail tax were imposed upon farmers on whose land track was laid.

    Currently no accountability mechanisms have been established to ensure that such mitigations and compensations are carried out, and to which landowners can seek recourse in case mitigation and compensation are not carried out. Government has an ethical obligation to establish such mechanisms before making a final investment decision.

    Section 5

    Community impacts

    According to Alto:

    However, this same railway separation also has other consequences for human security. Limited overpass/underpass crossings may increase distances and times for fire and ambulance services, potentially causing fatal delays.15 These security gaps can be mitigated by careful planning of overpasses and underpasses; mitigation plans should be agreed with the municipalities responsible for delivering these services. Best practices of high-speed rail systems in other countries should be followed.

    Once again accountability is a problem. To date no accountability mechanisms have been established to ensure agreement and planning for timely fire and emergency health services after Alto rail lines have been built and separated from roadways. Nor is there any body to which municipalities can seek recourse in case such agreement and planning do not occur, or in case agreements are not fulfilled. Government has an ethical obligation to establish such mechanisms before making a final investment decision.

    If the Frontenac/Napanee or northern shield corridors are chosen for HSR, existing VIA service will be impacted by service cuts as longer-distance travellers shift to HSR. At present Kingston is the fifth-busiest passenger train station in the country. There is a public need to maintain viable service for these passengers and others from stations along the existing VIA corridor. Moreover, community impacts from Alto would reach far beyond eastern Ontario. If 80% of VIA revenue currently comes from passengers travelling in the Windsor-Québec corridor, and much of this is diverted to Cadence as operator of HSR between Toronto and Québec, much less will be available to support other major VIA trains, such as: Montréal-Halifax (‘The Ocean’); Toronto-Vancouver (‘The Canadian’); Winnipeg-Churchill; Jasper-Prince Rupert; Sudbury-White River; Montréal-Jonquière/Senneterre. Allowing these train services to be degraded or discontinued would constitute a clear neglect of public interest. Accordingly, the Alto HSR Citizens Research Initiative has called for two immediate legislative responses:

    Statutory Service Guarantee for the Kingston SubdivisionAny federal legislation enabling ALTO must include a statutory charter guaranteeing minimum VIA Rail service levels on the Kingston Subdivision. The charter must specify minimum daily frequencies, protect morning and evening service windows, and require public consultation before schedule changes affecting intermediate communities.

    Dedicated, Legislated Funding for the National Rail NetworkParliament must establish a dedicated funding stream for VIA Rail’s non-corridor network — The Ocean, The Canadian, and remote services — entirely independent of corridor revenue that will transfer to Cadence. This fund must be protected as a condition of any ALTO implementation agreement.16

    The appropriate timing for such legislative action would be as close as possible to the final investment decision on the Alto project.

    Section 6

    Indigenous peoples’ consent

    Alto has stated, ‘We are committed to engaging in meaningful consultations with the aim of securing the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), of potentially impacted communities.’17 The phrasing is ambiguous. Are they committed to achieving FPIC, or only to holding ‘meaningful consultations with the aim’ of doing so? The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is unambiguous on this point.

    Meaningful consultation is not the end; it is only a means to achieving ‘free and informed consent prior to the approval of any project affecting their lands or territories and other resources’.

    The earlier High Frequency Rail project which preceded Alto included consultation with ‘more than 40 potentially impacted Indigenous communities and organizations’.19 However, that consultation focused entirely on supplementing the Request for Proposals with provisions for Indigenous social benefits and participation. There was no mention of consent with regard to impact on Indigenous territory; in any case, the Request for Proposals for HFR has been superseded by the Alto HSR proposal awarded to Cadence, now in co-development phase. Site selection and alignment have not yet been specified by Alto and Cadence. At the present time it is unclear whether any discussions have been undertaken with the Mohawk of the Bay of Quinte in Ontario or the Mohawk of Kanesatake in Quebec about use of or impact on their territories. Nor is there any evidence of commitment to recourse or accountability mechanisms for benefit/land/participation commitments that will be made to them.

    Section 7

    Environmental Impact

    For the route through the Frontenac Arch and Napanee Plain, environmental risks are significant. For the northern route largely over Canadian Shield, risks are less clear. For the southernmost corridor, environmental risks have already been incurred by the CN right of way and Highway 401; one would expect additional risks from HSR to be small by comparison. Doing nothing to shift travelers over to rail also incurs the environmental risks incurred by flying and driving, notably contributions to climate change. The difficult question is actually the normative question: which risks must be avoided? If worthwhile development is environmentally sustainable, then the answer is that we must avoid risks that are unsustainable, and this shifts the question to: what are the meaning and standards for sustainability?

    While precise answers to these normative questions are elusive, two broad ways of framing them have emerged over the past forty years to provide starting points for public deliberation about environmental risks. The 1987 Brundtland Commission proposed that development is sustainable when it meets the needs of present generations without jeopardizing the needs of future generations.20 More recently, the UNDP Human Development Report of 2020 called for steering development to ease the ‘planetary pressures’ that historical and contemporary social and economic development unleash.21 The main idea here is that development puts pressures on the planet, and the planet pushes back in ways that make present and future human flourishing more uncertain. At the extreme:

    Climate change and biodiversity integrity loss are tightly coupled core boundaries, and human activities are currently pushing both of them into a high-risk zone. If humanity breaches planetary boundaries too far or for too long, it may disrupt planetary life support systems, with substantial risks for human life as we know it.22

    The HSR corridor over part of the Frontenac Arch will also traverse an adjoining limestone plain surrounding the Napanee and Salmon Rivers. Under the limestone plain is found karst geology, featuring sinkholes, fissures, caves, and disappearing streams; above it are rare alvar ecosystems based on terrain with thin or no soil cover. These ecosystems harbour several species protected by the Species at Risk Act; it is doubtful that Alto could show that its construction can meet requirements of this Act. Construction would also affect subsurface water flows in unpredictable ways, possibly damaging freshwater access and use downstream. For other ecosystems in other places it may be possible to mitigate environmental impacts of HSR, as for example best practice standards have evolved in Europe for protecting essential pathways for migratory species. If such mitigation strategies can succeed for a CN/401 corridor, or for a northern shield corridor, they must be planned, budgeted, and carried out. However, in the Frontenac Arch and Napanee Plain these particular mitigation strategies may be of no use, due to the combination of karst geology below and alvar ecosystems above. Since biodiversity and freshwater access are two dimensions in which there are planetary boundaries, it follows that, in this corridor, an HSR line would be adding to planetary pressures rather than reducing them. Building HSR in the Frontenac/Napanee corridor, then, qualifies as environmental maldevelopment.23

    In the northern Shield corridor, biodiversity and freshwater impacts may be less pronounced and more amenable to mitigation. The HSR line and its construction are less likely to disrupt water flow in this corridor, where streams run parallel to rail alignment. The line would disrupt movement by larger mammals such as moose, elk, and bear, but these are not species at risk. More research is needed to determine what kinds of mitigation are required; international evidence suggests that there are few types of overpass that large mammals will actually use, and these are quite expensive.24 Effects on other species also requires further study and assessment. A clear standard for wildlife mitigation, with accountability mechanisms, is needed to ensure that adequate mitigation measures are chosen and implemented.

    Section 8

    Ranking the options: from morally worst to not so bad

    These two frameworks – future generations and planetary pressures – can help to orient discussion of environmental and social impacts in ethical, value-based terms. We can consider what will be the result of rolling out the various HSR options over multiple future generations. How will these decisions now affect planetary pressures exerted by humans then? Is it possible to assess or at least imagine how much closer to or in excess of planetary boundaries we get, in each scenario? In light of this, we can rank those options, as to how comparatively undesirable they are, from a development ethics perspective.

    The following rankings are only illustrative, expressing my own moral assessment, based on reasons for concern that I am aware of at the present time. This illustration, however, does have a point, namely that it is plausible and powerful to rank the options before us in terms of their enduring impact both to enhance human well-being and to reduce the dangerous pressures we are placing upon the planetary systems that sustain us. What we need, I conclude, is a public deliberation to make such a ranking.

    1
    Status quo.If there is no replacement for current VIA Rail levels of service, travelers will continue to be shunted into cars, buses, and airplanes to travel between Québec, Montréal, Ottawa, and Toronto (and indeed London and Windsor). The carbon footprint for this travel will grow apace. There being no other proposals on the horizon to compensate, I conclude that continuation of the status quo on VIA Rail will mean continued contribution to the death, illness, and destruction of property and habitats that result from carbon-induced climate change.
    2
    Frontenac/Napanee corridor, without mitigation.Mitigation for landowners and community safety are feasible and morally mandatory; however, for the sake of ranking consider the possibility that it is not carried out, so we have: unnecessary and inequitable loss to livelihoods and human security. In that respect, this option ranks worse than the following one:
    3
    Frontenac/Napanee corridor, with human/community mitigation.Well-being and equity issues in the previous option are removed, but, on the environmental side, ecological mitigation seems unlikely. Over many generations, then, the effects we can anticipate from HSR include (a) expansion of human well-being; (b) reduction in the particular pressures imposed by the carbon footprint of travel between Windsor and Québec; but (c) significantly increased planetary pressures both on biodiversity and on freshwater access.
    4
    Northern Canadian Shield corridor, without mitigation.Although much of this territory is more remote, there are still roads, tracks, and migratory paths that can be cut off by HSR fencing. Human security and wildlife migration will still be impacted unless mitigation measures are adopted.
    5
    Northern Canadian Shield corridor, with mitigation.With landowner and community mitigation, inequitable losses are reduced, so that we can anticipate (a) expansion of human well-being, along with (b) reduction in the particular pressures imposed by the carbon footprint of travel between Windsor and Québec; (c) with mitigation it may be possible to avoid increasing planetary pressures on biodiversity, but this is not perfectly clear, either; (d) adverse impacts on fresh water are less likely. Rolling this forward over multiple generations, we want to ensure monitoring for unforeseen environmental problems. This could be addressed by establishing capability in each region affected by HSR for ongoing environmental monitoring, funded by revenue sharing from operation of HSR service.
    6
    Southern CN/401 corridor, without mitigation.Because this corridor already exists, one might expect fewer new adverse impacts. However, without mitigation, mandatory grade separation and fencing will adversely affect humans and other species alike, which makes this option worse than the final one.
    7
    Southern CN/401 corridor, with mitigationfor community and wildlife impacts to highest standards of European/Asian HSR, with further direction from the environmental assessment. With landowner and community mitigation, inequitable losses are reduced, so that we can anticipate (a) expansion of human well-being. In addition, the problem of depriving service to Kingston is avoided. Over future generations we can also expect (b) reduction in the particular pressures imposed by the carbon footprint of travel between Windsor and Québec. Following best European/Asian practices, modified by site-specific environmental assessment, (c) with mitigation it may be possible to avoid increasing planetary pressures on biodiversity as well as (d) impacts on fresh water. Still, rolling this forward over multiple generations, we want to ensure monitoring for unforeseen environmental problems by establishing, in each affected region, capability for ongoing environmental monitoring, funded by revenue sharing from HSR operation.

    The worst option, according to this, is the status quo. Doing nothing now about intercity travel has the worst impact on well-being and planetary pressures for future generations. The Frontenac/Napanee options are not much better. An independent public panel, I believe, would confirm these rankings and could also shed more light on the others.

    Section 9

    Recommendations to the Government of Canada

    1
    Make corridor proposals public, including the CN/401 corridor. Immediately require Alto to develop and make public feasible alignment plans for (a) the CN/401 corridor, along with any alignment plans under active consideration for (b) the northern Canadian Shield corridor; and (c) the Frontenac/Napanee corridor. Require each of these plans to include cost estimates for wildlife and road crossings at high international standards, for land replacement to maintain farm viability, and for revenue sharing to fund ongoing monitoring of environmental impacts.
    2
    Make corridor choice a public choice. Prior to Final Investment Decision, appoint an independent public panel to recommend choice between corridor proposals (including the status quo), (a) on grounds of public interest, community impact, and environmental impacts/pressures; (b) considering these impacts for several generations (c) with powers to modify any proposals submitted, and (d) with a mandate to recommend mechanisms of recourse and accountability.
    3
    Obtain Indigenous peoples’ consent. Prior to Final Investment Decision, ensure that free and informed consent to impacts on their lands has been given by affected Indigenous peoples, along with mechanisms of recourse and accountability for community and environmental impacts on those lands as well as for commitments to Indigenous participation and community benefits.
    4
    Establish accountability mechanisms and environmental monitoring. Withhold Final Investment Decision until mechanisms of recourse and accountability have been established to support commitments for (a) landowners, (b) communities, (c) wildlife impacts, and (d) Indigenous communities. Do not invest in an HSR proposal that does not allocate revenue in the operational phase for ongoing regionally-controlled environmental monitoring.
    5
    Protect VIA Rail with legislation and funding. Establish service levels and funding streams for regional service along the Windsor-Montreal corridor and for VIA Rail’s non-corridor network – The Ocean, The Canadian, and remote services.
    Section 10

    Recommendations to Alto

    A1
    Corridor proposals. From the perspective of development ethics, corridor choice is not yours to make; this is properly a public choice. Accordingly, you are obligated to prepare development options for all of the feasible HSR corridors, to facilitate public choice among them.
    A2
    Request and obtain Indigenous people’s consent. Ensure that free and informed consent to impacts on their lands has been given by affected Indigenous peoples.
    A3
    Negotiate livelihood replacement. In negotiating with landowners, ensure that compensation covers livelihood replacement (including, for farmers, drainage and access to fields), including revenue sharing if necessary.
    A4
    Negotiate revenue sharing for ongoing regionally-controlled environmental monitoring during the operational phase.
    A5
    Negotiate mechanisms of recourse and accountability to support commitments made for (a) landowners, (b) communities, (c) wildlife impacts and environmental monitoring, and (d) Indigenous communities.
    References

    Notes

    1
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, How History Led Us Here, March 2026, citizenresearch.ca/how-history-led-us-here, and Where We Stand on the Route, altohsrcitizenresearch.ca, accessed April 9, 2026.
    2
    Mahbub ul Haq, Reflections on Human Development (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999.
    3
    Peter Penz, Jay Drydyk, and Pablo Bose, Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights, and Responsibilities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
    4
    Smyth, Eddie, Susanna Price, and Frank Vanclay, ‘Fair and Equitable Land Access (FELA) by Development Projects: Enhancing Governance for Sustainable Development Outcomes When Projects Displace People,’ (Sustainable Development 2025, p. 3.
    5
    Ibid.
    6
    Penz, Drydyk, and Bose 2011, p. 211.
    7
    Union Internationale des Chemins de fer (UIC), ‘The Definition of High Speed Rail’ (UIC Communications: 2018). Accessed April 13, 2026. uic.org.
    8
    Wikipedia, ‘High-Speed Rail in Europe’ (March 31, 2026) en.wikipedia.org. Wikipedia, ‘Shinkansen’ (March 14, 2026) en.wikipedia.org.
    9
    While I find that this argument is sound, it is only fair to note that others disagree. The core argument I have outlined is supplemented with other lines of argument in Alto’s ‘Fast Forward’ document (Alto (VIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc.), ‘Fast Forward: Shaping Canada’s Future with a High-Speed Rail Network’ (March 2025) altotrain.ca) For opposing arguments see Tasnim Fariha, and David Jones, ‘High-Speed Potential, High-Stakes Decisions: The Policy Case for Alto’ (C.D. Howe Institute, December 11, 2025) cdhowe.org, Jerome Gessaroli, ‘Canada’s next Budget Bomb Is the Alto High-Speed Rail Project’ (Macdonald-Laurier Institute, January 14, 2026.) macdonaldlaurier.ca. The Citizens Research Initiative argues for upgrading the status quo to a ‘High Performance Rail’ system with top speeds not exceeding 200km/hr. (Where we Stand on the Route, op. cit.) For arguments that raise complications rather than expressing outright opposition, see also: Johnny Renton, ‘The Good, Bad and Awful of the Alto High Speed Rail Project, and How to Fix the Flaws and Concerns Surrounding It.’ (Substack: Next Stop, Downtown Canada, February 4, 2026) johnnyrenton.substack.com; Kathryn Smith Exon and Egon Terplan. ‘Keeping High-Speed Rail on Track: Learning from Other North American Projects’ (Toronto: School of Cities, June 6, 2025) schoolofcities.utoronto.ca; and Michael Schabas, ‘Alto Conceptual Design and Business Case” (January 12, 2026) available on Google Docs, Google Docs.
    10
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, The Station Location Problem (2026) citizenresearch.ca/station-location.
    11
    Penz, Drydyk, and Bose, Chapter 7.
    12
    Nassir Mwanje, ‘Community Perceptions of Fair Compensation in Land Expropriation: Insights from Uganda through a Capability Approach’ (Journal of Human Development and Capabilities, forthcoming).
    13
    Ontario Federation of Agriculture, ‘High-Speed Rail’ (2026) ofa.on.ca/issues/high-speed-rail.
    14
    Alto (VIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc.), Advanced Engineering Driving High-Speed Rail (February 19, 2026) altotrain.ca.
    15
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, Fire Services – Citizen Research (March 2026) citizenresearch.ca/fire-services, and Healthcare Access – Citizen Research (March 2026) citizenresearch.ca/healthcare-access.
    16
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, ‘VIA Rail on the Kingston Subdivision: Service Erosion, Funding Collapse, and the National Rail Risk from ALTO HSR’ (April 2026) citizenresearch.ca/via-future.
    17
    Alto (VIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc.), ‘Building Together: Indigenous Partnerships in Alto’s Vision’ altotrain.ca.
    18
    United Nations, Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (General Assembly, 2007) un.org
    19
    Alto (VIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc.). What We Heard & What We’re Doing Report. 2023. altotrain.ca.
    20
    World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).
    21
    The ‘planetary pressures’ framework is based on several decades of ‘planetary boundaries’ research. To simplify: the core idea is that there are nine specific dimensions of planetary change that range from low risk to growing risk to high risk for human flourishing. Among these, ozone depletion, climate change, biodiversity, ocean acidification, land use change, and freshwater use are most familiar in the public sphere. A good entry point into the literature is Human Development Report 2020: The Next Frontier; Human Development and the Anthropocene, Chapter 2, ‘Unprecedented – The Scope, Scale and Speed of Human Pressures on the Planet’ (New York: UNDP, 2020), pp. 45-68.
    22
    UNDP op. cit., p. 51.
    23
    See Andrew Hyett, How Hydrology Shapes the Design – and Cost – of High-Speed Rail (March 2026) citizenresearch.ca, and the following publications by ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative (2026): Potential Effects of High-Speed Rail on the Napanee River citizenresearch.ca/napanee-river-2; A River in the Path of Two Rail Corridors citizenresearch.ca/salmon-river;
    24
    See Hyett op. cit. and two other publications of ALTO HSR Citizen Research Imitative (2026): The Wildlife Crossing Problem citizenresearch.ca/wildlife-crossings; Wildlife Connectivity, Hunting Heritage, and Game Species Habitat: Impacts of the Proposed ALTO High-Speed Rail Corridors citizenresearch.ca.
  • Bound before briefed

    City of Kingston: Bound Before Briefed

    Britain spent a decade learning what happens when councils sign confidentiality agreements with a high-speed rail promoter. The lessons were on the record. Kingston signed anyway.

    ⚠ Update · The agreement has been signed

    This brief sets out the questions Kingston City Council should have asked before entering a non-disclosure agreement with ALTO. By the time it reached councillors, on Monday, July 13, the agreement had already been signed — the Whig-Standard reported that the City signed on Friday, July 10, and the signing became public on July 14. Whig-Standard

    The document’s title turns out to be literal. Councillors were bound on the Friday and briefed on the Monday — bound by an agreement the City says applies to them personally, three days before the questions below were put in front of them. The brief did not arrive too early to matter. It arrived after the decision it was meant to inform.

    Two facts from that reporting change the picture materially. First, a City spokesperson confirmed that the agreement binds city staff and councillors alike — every person who receives technical information from ALTO. Second, asked whether the City had a choice, the same spokesperson said: “This is not optional.”

    The analysis below is the brief as sent to councillors, unchanged. The questions it raises were answerable before Friday. That they are printed here after the signing, rather than asked before it, is the point.

    Critical Finding

    Of the five questions this brief puts to Council, one has already been answered, and answered badly. The agreement binds elected members, not merely officers. A councillor who receives technical information about the corridor cannot discuss it with the constituents whose land that corridor may cross. The remaining four — whether the agreement expires, what precisely it covers, whether MFIPPA and open-meeting obligations are expressly preserved, and what ALTO would actually have withheld without it — remain unanswered on the public record.

    A second finding sits underneath the first. ALTO describes these agreements as instruments that enable two-way data sharing and productive collaboration. HS2 Ltd, facing the same criticism in Britain, said its agreements were mutual and entered into by consent. The City of Kingston says the agreement was not optional. A contract that one party had no choice but to sign is not a collaboration. Both characterisations cannot be true, and it is the City — not the critics — that has contradicted the promoter.

    Kingston’s neighbours faced the identical request and treated it as a decision. Two eastern Ontario counties have now refused ALTO’s confidentiality agreement outright, both unanimously, both on the public record — the United Counties of Prescott and Russell in May, and the United Counties of Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry on June 15. Frontenac County voted formally on April 15 to oppose the proposed corridors through the county. Whether Kingston’s agreement was ever put to its own elected representatives — by motion, in open or closed session — has not been established on the public record.

    The most important fact in this brief is the one that follows from that. SDG refused the agreement and then published ALTO’s presentation to the public. The choice Kingston was offered — sign and be informed, or refuse and be ignorant — is not a real choice. A council next door declined to sign and released the material anyway.

    Download
    City of Kingston: Bound Before Briefed — Full Brief (PDF)
    The briefing note circulated to Kingston City Council, preserved as issued. Ten-minute read.
    Download PDF
    What was signed

    “This is not optional”

    The agreement was executed on Friday, July 10, between the City of Kingston and ALTO, the Crown corporation developing the corridor. ALTO’s account of why is straightforward and, in its own terms, reasonable: planning work is not final; early concepts, technical analysis and emerging ideas are still being refined; and sharing preliminary material without its full context could give the impression that decisions have already been made. Confidentiality agreements, the corporation says, are used widely in the infrastructure industry and structure these discussions so that evolving information can be shared. Whig-Standard

    The Mayor’s defence follows the same line. Such agreements are common in major infrastructure planning; they allow technical information to be shared so that municipalities can provide informed input; the agreement is not an endorsement of any particular route or station location; and the City remains committed to transparency and will share information publicly when it is able to.

    Set against that framing, the City spokesperson’s own words do a great deal of work. The agreement applies to all city staff and councillors who receive technical information from ALTO. It was required in order for the City to receive any technical information at all. And it was not optional.

    A confidentiality agreement that one party had no choice but to sign is not a collaboration. It is a condition of entry.

    This is the distinction the British record turns on, and it is worth being precise about it. The objection is not that confidential material was shared confidentially. It is that information was withheld until silence was promised — that access to the facts was made conditional on a commitment not to use them. That is not a description of HS2. It is now, on the City’s own account, a description of Kingston.

    Part One · The mechanism

    Access conditioned on silence

    In Britain, councils were not handed material and then asked to protect the commercially sensitive parts of it. They were told they could see nothing at all unless they signed first. Many were required to sign before they could engage with HS2 Ltd on the questions that mattered most locally — where stations might go, how they would be designed, and which route the promoter preferred. Warwickshire County Council could not receive early design updates until it had signed. New Civil Engineer Warwickshire World

    A council’s capacity to scrutinise the promoter is made conditional on a promise not to tell the people it represents what that scrutiny has revealed.

    The council does not become better informed in any way it can act upon. It becomes better informed and simultaneously disabled from using the information in the one forum where a council is supposed to act: in public, on the record, in front of the residents whose homes and farms lie in the corridor.

    That is the general case. In Kingston it now has a specific and uncomfortable form. Because the agreement binds councillors rather than officers alone, a member of Council who is briefed on the alignment cannot discuss what they have learned with the constituent whose property it crosses. The representative becomes an insider. Whatever else the agreement achieves, it removes from thirteen elected people the ability to do the thing they were elected to do.

    Part Two · The scale, and the creep

    Four agreements became three hundred and thirty-nine

    Freedom of Information disclosures eventually forced HS2 Ltd to reveal how far the practice had spread. The progression was four agreements in 2012–13, ten in 2014, twenty-seven in 2015, thirty-four in 2016, seventy-one in 2017, and one hundred and twelve in 2018. New Civil Engineer

    4
    confidentiality agreements signed in 2012–13, at the outset
    HS2 Ltd, via FOI
    112
    signed in 2018 alone, as the practice took hold
    HS2 Ltd, via FOI
    339
    bodies bound, by the figure cited in the House of Lords
    Hansard

    HS2 Ltd then resisted disclosing who had signed for eighteen months, releasing the list of 253 organisations only after the Information Commissioner intervened. A further thirty-eight agreements with individuals were never named. By the end, the signatories included dozens of councils, the Health and Safety Executive, the National Trust, Historic England, and five universities.

    The circle of people who could speak freely about a public project — funded by the public, running through the public’s communities — had been drawn so tightly that a supporter of the scheme in the House of Lords was moved to ask what, exactly, all these organisations had to hide.

    The creep has already begun here

    Reporting on the Prescott and Russell decision confirms that ALTO requires every landholder who permits field survey access to sign a non-disclosure agreement, not only municipalities. The first agreement is never the last. It establishes the template, the precedent, and the expectation — for this municipality, for the next one down the corridor, for landowners, consultants and agencies, and for every subsequent phase of the project. Tribune-Express

    Part Three · The terms

    Twenty-six of twenty-eight had no end date

    Of the twenty-eight English local authorities identified, the Town and Country Planning Association found that twenty-six had agreements with no end date. New Civil Engineer

    No sunset clause. No automatic release on publication of the environmental assessment. No expiry when the route was confirmed and the commercial sensitivity had evaporated. Silence in perpetuity, over material that in most cases became public anyway — simply later, and on the promoter’s timetable rather than the community’s.

    This is the single most consequential drafting failure in the entire British record, and it is also the easiest to prevent. An officer negotiating in good faith, focused on getting the data flowing, will not necessarily notice that the agreement never expires. Whether Kingston’s agreement contains an expiry date is not, at the time of writing, on the public record. It is a one-word answer, and the City can give it today.

    Part Four · Both sides, fairly stated

    The promoter’s case, and what the record shows

    Nothing in this brief argues that no confidentiality is ever warranted. The argument is narrower: the terms matter enormously, the English terms were bad, and they were bad in ways that were entirely avoidable if identified in advance.

    What the promoter saysWhat the British record shows
    The agreements are mutual and entered into by consent. ALTO describes instruments that enable two-way data sharing and support productive collaboration on planning. The City of Kingston’s own spokesperson says the agreement was not optional and was required to receive any technical information at all. HS2 Ltd made the identical “mutual and consensual” claim about agreements that councils could not decline without being cut off.
    Confidentiality protects residents from unnecessary blight and confusion. Sharing early information without full context could suggest decisions have been made. Note the shape of the argument: the secrecy is offered as a protection for the affected. It is worth asking whether residents in the corridor, given the choice, would prefer to be protected from knowing. In Britain, the discovery of the agreements produced anger, not relief.
    These agreements are common in major infrastructure. They allow municipalities to give informed input. They are common. That is the finding, not the defence. The Raynsford Review examined precisely this common practice and concluded that it corroded public trust in the project it was meant to protect.
    The agreement is not an endorsement of any route or station. The City will share information publicly when it is able to. “When we are able to” is the operative phrase, and its meaning is set by a document the public has not seen. If the agreement has no expiry, the answer is: at the promoter’s discretion, indefinitely.

    The most honest defence of signing came, in Britain, from Doncaster. The council signed because it relied on HS2’s data to scrutinise and challenge the design; without signing, exposing the route’s damaging effects would have been harder still and might have produced more blight rather than less. Doncaster Free Press That is not a foolish argument, and it should not be caricatured. It is the argument of a body that has accepted the promoter’s framing of the available choices — sign and be informed, or refuse and be ignorant — without first testing whether that framing is true.

    Prescott and Russell tested it. So did Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry. Both refused — and neither is, on the available evidence, less informed about ALTO than Kingston is. One of them has published the promoter’s presentation. Kingston cannot.

    Part Five · The independent verdicts

    What Britain concluded, in public, before Kingston signed

    The Raynsford Review (Town and Country Planning Association, 2018)

    Led by a former construction minister, this review of the English planning system found that the agreements undermine public trust in major infrastructure. It criticised the widespread use of confidentiality agreements by the HS2 company and identified a corrosive public sense that planning no longer protects people’s interests. It found that the agreements created real anger among local politicians and deeper resentment in affected communities once their existence came to light.

    Raynsford’s line — the most useful distinction in the literature

    Raynsford did not oppose confidentiality as such. He accepted the case for it where competing route options are under assessment and public knowledge could inflate land prices — and opposed it where it undermines public trust or may shield inappropriate relationships between developers and those making decisions. The test is not whether confidentiality is ever justified. It is whether this confidentiality, on these terms, for this long, is.

    The House of Lords — criticism from the project’s own supporters

    Baroness Kramer, a consistent advocate of HS2, argued that the presumption must always be transparency, with confidentiality as the exception, and that the slow release of information on cost, land and compensation had harmed the project and generated suspicion. Lord Berkeley proposed an independent assessor to review every HS2 confidentiality agreement against a presumption of public accountability. The people who most wanted HS2 built were among the loudest voices warning that the secrecy was destroying its public licence.

    The culture did not stay in its lane

    HS2 Ltd paid roughly £1.67 million in settlement agreements to forty-eight former employees from April 2016, with confidentiality clauses written in; a number of whistleblowers were among them. The company also redacted the names of attendees from its board minutes, against the Information Commissioner’s stated presumption in favour of naming those acting in a professional capacity. An institution that begins by protecting route data does not reliably stop there. New Civil Engineer

    Part Six · The neighbours

    The same request, refused twice next door

    ALTO has made materially the same approach to municipalities across the corridor: access to technical material, in exchange for a confidentiality agreement, plus permission to enter municipal land for field survey. What distinguishes Kingston is not the request. It is the response, and the process by which the response was reached.

    United Counties of Prescott and Russell — refused, May 2026

    All eight mayors on the UCPR council voted against a resolution that would have granted ALTO access to counties’ land for survey work and committed the Counties to a non-disclosure agreement. Each mayor declared their position on a registered vote. Warden Mario Zanth, mayor of Clarence-Rockland, directed the CAO to inform ALTO that the council did not want the corporation on its territory, having refused both the confidentiality agreement and land access. Zanth’s stated objection was that the corporation demanded secrecy before it would disclose the technical details municipalities were asking about — the chemistry of de-icing fluids and the risk to wells, the electricity supply, and other questions of direct local consequence. Tribune-Express ONFR

    United Counties of Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry — refused, June 15, 2026

    SDG Counties Council unanimously rejected both ALTO’s request to access counties-owned land for environmental and technical study and its request that SDG sign a non-disclosure agreement — an agreement that would have prohibited councillors and staff from discussing with the public any details of their meetings and communications with the corporation. Council was given three options: full access, partial access, or none. It chose none, without further debate. North Glengarry Mayor Jamie MacDonald grounded his objection in accountability, saying of the agreement: “Here they’re telling us we can’t share any information in them.” The Review

    Frontenac County — a formal, public vote on the corridor, April 15, 2026

    Frontenac County Council formally voted to oppose the proposed high-speed rail corridors through the county, favouring routes along existing rail lines or the Highway 401 corridor. The resolution cited disruption to residential areas, agricultural lands and environmentally sensitive features; impacts on municipal infrastructure including road closures; risks to emergency response times; and uncertainty about the long-term financial implications for municipalities. Council supported a Kingston stop and called for no expropriation west of Ottawa until the Ottawa–Montreal segment nears completion. County of Frontenac

    City of Kingston — signed July 10; the authorising process is not on the public record

    Whether the agreement was authorised by a motion of Council — in open session, or in closed session with a reporting-out resolution — or executed by staff under delegated signing authority without coming to Council at all, has not been established. The distinction is not academic. An agreement authorised by a recorded vote is a decision residents can argue with. One signed under delegated authority means the City bound itself, and its councillors, on a matter of plain public interest without the body accountable for that interest ever recording a view.

    The choice Kingston was offered is not a real choice

    The case for signing rests entirely on a premise: that a council which refuses the agreement is left in the dark. The City spokesperson put it plainly — the agreement was required in order to receive any technical information at all, and it was not optional.

    That premise has been tested next door, and it failed. SDG refused the agreement, refused land access, and then shared ALTO’s presentation with the public. From that published material, residents of SDG can now learn what ALTO intends: that field sampling across the corridor is scheduled for the fourth quarter of 2026 and will feed the impact assessment; that the surveys cover wetlands, forests, avian wildlife, and fish and wildlife habitat; that archaeology, cultural heritage, and “sensitive receptors” such as parks, schools and hospitals are treated as socio-economic components; and that noise, vibration, hydrogeology, soil quality and surface water are the physical components under examination. The Review

    A council that refused to sign has told its residents more about ALTO’s plans than a council that signed is now permitted to.

    This is not a rhetorical point. It is the whole argument, and it can be verified by anyone with a browser. The bargain Kingston accepted — silence in exchange for information — was offered on the premise that there was no alternative. Two neighbouring counties declined it, and one of them proceeded to put the promoter’s own material on the public record. The alternative existed. Kingston did not take it, and has not explained why.

    One further detail of timing deserves an answer. The Eastern Ontario Wardens’ Caucus — the body through which these counties have been coordinating their response — was scheduled to discuss ALTO at a meeting in Kingston, in July. Kingston signed on July 10.

    The Initiative has written to Kingston city councillors asking a single question, answerable in one sentence: was the agreement authorised by resolution of Council, and if so, what is the resolution number and date — or was it executed under delegated authority, and under which by-law? We will publish the answer when we receive it, whatever it is.

    Part Seven · Where things stand

    Five questions, one answered

    These are the five questions the brief puts to Council. None is hostile. Each was answerable by staff in a sentence — before Friday. This is their status as of publication.

    Answered
    Who is bound — officers, or members? Both. The City confirms the agreement applies to all staff and councillors who receive technical information. This is the outcome the brief identifies as the most serious: an agreement that binds elected members converts representatives into insiders.
    Unanswered
    Does it expire? No sunset date has been disclosed. Twenty-six of the twenty-eight English councils signed agreements with no end date at all.
    Unanswered
    What, exactly, is covered? Whether the agreement is confined to genuinely commercial and personal information, or reaches route alignment, station siting, cost and community impact, has not been disclosed.
    Unanswered
    Are the statutory carve-outs express? Whether the agreement expressly preserves the City’s obligations under MFIPPA and the open-meeting provisions of the Municipal Act has not been disclosed. A municipality cannot lawfully contract out of those duties — but a poorly drafted agreement can create a chilling effect that operates as though it had.
    Unanswered
    What was actually being withheld without it? ALTO is a federal entity subject to the Access to Information Act. If the material behind the agreement is disclosable in due course regardless, the agreement is not buying confidentiality. It is buying delay.
    Outstanding
    How many of these has ALTO already signed? With municipalities, agencies, consultants and landowners — and on what terms? In Britain, that number was the story. It went from four to more than three hundred while nobody was counting.
    Every question above can be answered without disclosing a single confidential fact. The terms of an agreement are not the contents of an agreement.

    This is the point on which the whole matter turns, and it is worth stating without heat. Publishing the agreement — its duration, its scope, whom it binds, what it carves out — discloses nothing ALTO has a legitimate interest in protecting. It reveals no alignment, no cost, no property. A city genuinely committed to transparency, and unable to say more about the substance, can nonetheless say everything about the instrument. That it has not yet done so is a choice, and it is a choice the City can reverse this week.

    Download Full Brief
    City of Kingston: Bound Before Briefed (PDF)
    The briefing note as circulated to Kingston City Council, with the full British record, the Ontario statutory overlay, and the five questions in their original form
    Download PDF
    The English record

    The confidentiality did not protect HS2

    Refusal was never the only alternative to signature, and this brief did not urge it. An agreement that would survive scrutiny is time-limited — expiring on a defined public milestone; scope-limited — confined to genuinely commercial and personal information, with alignment, cost and impact data expressly excluded; statute-preserving — with explicit carve-outs for MFIPPA and open-meeting duties; officer-bound, not member-bound; and publicly disclosed — the agreement itself, if not its contents, placed on the public record.

    Every one of those five terms exists because HS2 lacked it. None of them costs the promoter anything to which it is entitled. Four of the five can still be secured by amendment, and the fifth — publication of the instrument — requires nothing from ALTO at all.

    The English record offers one final observation, and it is not a partisan one. The confidentiality did not protect the project. It corroded HS2’s public licence, hardened the opposition, and left even the scheme’s allies defending a company that looked as though it had something to conceal. Kingston has signed. It has not yet explained. Those are different things, and only one of them is now beyond recall.

    Sources

    Primary documents and reporting

    1.
    Elliot Ferguson, “Kingston signs non-disclosure agreement for high-speed rail talks,” The Kingston Whig-Standard, July 14, 2026. thewhig.com
    2.
    “UCPR denies ALTO access to lands, rejects request for NDA,” Tribune-Express, reporting the United Counties of Prescott and Russell council session of May 27, 2026. tribune-express.ca
    3.
    “TGV : Prescott-Russell bloque Alto et refuse de signer une entente de confidentialité,” ONFR / TFO, May 2026 — carries Warden Mario Zanth’s directive to the CAO and his stated reasons. onfr.tfo.org
    4.
    James Morgan, “SDG Council rejects Alto request for land access and NDA,” The Review, June 23, 2026 — reporting the unanimous SDG Counties Council decision of June 15, the terms of the proposed agreement, and the public release of ALTO’s presentation. thereview.ca
    5.
    County of Frontenac, “Council votes to oppose Alto routes through Frontenac County,” April 15, 2026. frontenaccounty.ca
    6.
    “Exclusive: HS2 ramps up use of gagging orders,” New Civil Engineer, July 1, 2019 — the year-by-year progression of agreements and the TCPA finding that 26 of 28 local authority agreements had no end date. newcivilengineer.com
    7.
    “Revealed: the 253 companies and public bodies to sign HS2 gagging orders,” New Civil Engineer, November 16, 2020 — the signatory list released after the Information Commissioner’s intervention. newcivilengineer.com
    8.
    “Exclusive: HS2 paid £1.67m to silence ex-employees,” New Civil Engineer, October 14, 2019. newcivilengineer.com
    9.
    Nick Raynsford, Planning 2020: Final Report of the Raynsford Review of Planning in England, Town and Country Planning Association, November 2018. Reported context on the HS2 confidentiality agreements: Warwickshire World
    10.
    Christian Wolmar, “HS2 likes to keep things secret,” December 2020 — carries the Raynsford distinction between legitimate and illegitimate confidentiality, and the board-minute redactions. christianwolmar.co.uk
    11.
    House of Lords debate on HS2 confidentiality agreements — contributions of Baroness Kramer and Lord Berkeley, Hansard. Hansard record
    12.
    “Doncaster Council signed non-disclosure agreement with HS2 bosses,” Doncaster Free Press — the fullest published statement of a council’s reasons for signing. doncasterfreepress.co.uk
    13.
    Municipal Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.56; Municipal Act, 2001, S.O. 2001, c. 25, s. 239 (open meetings); Access to Information Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. A-1. Statutory points in this brief are offered as questions for the City Solicitor, not as legal conclusions.
  • A friendly witness

    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative · Research Brief

    A Friendly Witness

    How a supportive submission to ALTO lists the things the project cannot deliver.

    Critical Finding

    Trajectoire Québec’s memoir endorses high-speed rail. But its nine recommendations describe downtown stations, affordable fares, more intermediate stops, preserved conventional service, and seamless local integration — the specification of a high-frequency conventional railway, not of a 300 km/h greenfield line. Measured against ALTO’s actual design, the memoir substantively meets none of its own recommendations, leaves one open (passenger experience), and runs into structural conflict, adverse economics, or the project’s own premise on the rest. The friendliest submission on the consultation file reads as a list of the project’s gaps.

    Two of the adverse assessments depend on ALTO’s unpublished plans — whether airport stations appear, and how central the endpoint stations finally sit — and could improve. The others follow from physics and economics: the severance and peripheral siting a grade-separated 250+ km/h alignment entails, and the cost and ridership figures in the Initiative’s reference-class work.

    Download
    A Friendly Witness — Full Brief (PDF)
    Recommendation-by-recommendation assessment of Trajectoire Québec’s memoir against ALTO’s actual design
    Download PDF
    The Endorsement

    An endorsement built on a poll, not a case

    Trajectoire was an early backer of VIA Rail’s high-frequency proposal (the TGF). Its memoir now supports high-speed rail — but conditionally, “dans la mesure où” the project delivers accessibility, integration, and equity. The memoir’s own narrative traces the shift from high-frequency to high-speed not to a technical or economic case but to a 2024 opinion poll it cites — 92 per cent preferring high-speed over high-frequency — and to the stated preferences of local mayors. What the organization asks for did not change when its endorsement did. It wanted a frequent, reliable, affordable, well-connected interurban railway before the pivot, and it wants one still. The recommendations describe that railway; the endorsement sits on top of it.

    9
    recommendations in Trajectoire’s memoir
    memoir summary of recommendations
    ~0.07
    ALTO benefit–cost ratio, central estimate
    Initiative reference-class analysis
    43 → 54
    community friction, before → after the consultation
    Initiative friction index
    Recommendation by Recommendation

    Nine recommendations, measured against the design

    The memoir’s own summary lists nine recommendations. Set against the design ALTO is advancing and the Initiative’s research record, each resolves into a verdict.

    Trajectoire’s RecommendationWhat ALTO’s Design Delivers
    1. Downtown stations, universally accessible, integrated with local and interurban networks. Central stations sit inside existing transit networks, enabling efficient connections and reducing car dependence to reach the train.A grade-separated alignment engineered for 250+ km/h — the speed all three RFP bidders independently proposed — cannot be threaded into dense downtowns at a cost the project will bear, which pushes stations toward the periphery. Trajectoire’s own examples — the pull of the downtown Palais station over Sainte-Foy, the car-inducing effect of Ottawa’s out-of-centre station — are the pattern ALTO’s design tends toward, not away from.
    Assessment:Structural conflict
    2. Urban integration with no impassable barriers for pedestrians and cyclists. The network should knit into the urban fabric without severing pedestrian and cycle routes or forcing long detours.High-speed track must be fully grade-separated and fenced along its length. That severance is the impassable barrier the recommendation asks the project to avoid — a condition of running trains at that speed, not an incidental feature. The Initiative’s forward friction measure captures the gap: a high-performance spine scores roughly 29 against ALTO’s ~65.
    Assessment:Structural conflict
    3. Affordable and accessible to all. A publicly funded project should serve the whole population, with fares that keep the train competitive with the car for youth, families, and seniors.Central cost near $143 million per kilometre, a benefit–cost ratio around 0.07, and low ridership (~0.29 trips per capita) in the Initiative’s reference-class work create structural pressure toward premium, cost-recovery fares — the opposite of the equity pricing the recommendation requires.
    Assessment:Contrary to the economics
    4. Tight cost control; private participation if needed; no crowding-out of urban transit. The project must not consume the federal funding that urban transit networks depend on.The same economics point to fiscal displacement — the exact crowding-out the recommendation fears. Nothing in the record indicates the tight cost control it asks for.
    Assessment:Contrary to the economics
    5. Stations at Montréal-Trudeau (YUL) and Québec / Jean-Lesage (YQB) airports. Direct airport connections would capture regional and international travellers and spare them a transfer.As far as ALTO’s public plan shows, airport stations are not included. This verdict depends on plans ALTO has not fully published and could change.
    Assessment:Not in the plan
    6. Amend ALTO’s mandate to provide more intermediate stations. More stops would broaden ridership and build social acceptance along the corridor.Every intermediate stop erodes the journey-time advantage that is the sole justification for a 300 km/h greenfield line over higher-frequency upgrades. The recommendation therefore asks the government to partially unwind the project’s premise. Trajectoire half-concedes this, proposing passing loops so express trains can overtake local ones.
    Assessment:Against the premise
    7. Preserve and improve conventional interurban service on the existing network. The corridor service Trajectoire once championed under the high-frequency banner must not be degraded.A separate greenfield line does nothing, on its own, to preserve or improve VIA’s conventional service. The Initiative has documented a benchmark substitution in ALTO’s costing material, where the high-frequency baseline is replaced by an undifferentiated “Conventional Rail.” The dual-asset move that would satisfy this — a new spine that also frees the legacy network — is the HPR framework’s, and ALTO does not offer it.
    Assessment:Unaddressed
    8. European / Asian-standard passenger experience, distinct from air travel. Simple ticketing, clear information, easy baggage, no airport-style check-in.An operational choice made late in delivery. The record gives no signal either way; it is fair to call this undetermined.
    Assessment:Open
    9. Secure social acceptability through rigorous, proactive consultation. Acceptability must be built through genuine, early, influential consultation.Community friction, on the Initiative’s index, rose from 43 to 54 after the consultation round — the process increased opposition rather than building acceptability. Measured against that movement, a supportive organization’s polite call for better consultation is a finding that the consultation so far has failed its own test.
    Assessment:Failing
    The Pattern

    A supportive submission describes a different train

    Set the recommendations beside one another and a single shape emerges.

    The recommendations describe high-frequency rail

    Downtown access, more stops, affordable fares, network integration, preserved conventional service — item by item, this is the value proposition of high-frequency conventional rail, the case the Initiative advances under the HPR framework, restated by an organization convinced it is endorsing something else.

    Even the friendly witness describes the gaps

    The friendliest submission on the consultation record describes the project by what it lacks. That matters precisely because the witness is favourable: the gap between what ALTO is and what its supporters want is not a partisan artifact. It is visible even to those cheering the train on.

    Structural, not merely contingent

    Two adverse verdicts — airport stations and endpoint centrality — depend on ALTO’s unpublished plans and could improve. The rest follow from the design itself: the severance and peripheral siting a grade-separated 250+ km/h alignment entails, and the cost and ridership economics in the Initiative’s reference-class work. Those move only with the choice of technology.

    Where Things Stand · July 2026

    Summary ledger

    In summary, against the recommendations in the memoir:

    Open
    Passenger experience (Rec 8): undetermined — an operational choice made late in delivery.
    Not met
    Downtown, accessible, integrated stations (Rec 1): structural conflict with a grade-separated high-speed alignment.
    Not met
    Urban integration without severance (Rec 2): the fenced, grade-separated corridor is itself the barrier.
    Not met
    Affordable fares for all (Rec 3): the economics push toward premium, cost-recovery pricing.
    Not met
    Cost control; no crowding-out of urban transit (Rec 4): the economics point to fiscal displacement.
    Not met
    Airport stations at YUL and YQB (Rec 5): not in the public plan — contingent on ALTO’s plans.
    Not met
    More intermediate stations (Rec 6): against the express premise of a 300 km/h line.
    Not met
    Preserve / improve conventional service (Rec 7): a separate greenfield line does not deliver it; the dual-asset HPR move is absent.
    Not met
    Social acceptability via consultation (Rec 9): friction rose 43 → 54 after the consultation round.

    Trajectoire Québec supports the train. Its recommendations, read against ALTO’s actual design, are not — in the main — met by the project as scoped. The organization is not asking for tweaks to a design it accepts; it is describing, recommendation by recommendation, a high-frequency railway that the high-speed greenfield line was never built to be.

    Download Full Brief
    A Friendly Witness (PDF)
    Recommendation-by-recommendation analysis for decision-makers, MPs, and constituents tracking the consultation record
    Download PDF
    Source

    The submission assessed

    1.
    Trajectoire Québec, Train à grande vitesse entre Québec et Toronto : une occasion à saisir pour améliorer les transports interurbains au Québec. Memoir presented to ALTO, 24 April 2026. trajectoire.quebec
    2.
    Assessment draws on the Initiative’s research record — the reference-class cost and ridership models, the community friction index, and Privy Council Office briefing note A-2025-00015, which confirms that all three RFP bidders independently proposed 250+ km/h greenfield alignments.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative · Note de recherche

    Un témoin bienveillant

    Comment un mémoire favorable à ALTO énumère ce que le projet ne peut offrir.

    Constat essentiel

    Le mémoire de Trajectoire Québec appuie le train à grande vitesse. Mais ses neuf recommandations décrivent des gares en centre-ville, des tarifs abordables, davantage de gares intermédiaires, le maintien du service conventionnel et une intégration locale fluide — le cahier des charges d’un train à grande fréquence conventionnel, non d’une ligne neuve à 300 km/h. Mesuré à la conception réelle d’ALTO, le mémoire ne satisfait substantiellement aucune de ses propres recommandations, en laisse une ouverte (l’expérience client) et se heurte, pour le reste, à un conflit structurel, à une économie défavorable ou à la prémisse même du projet. Le mémoire le plus bienveillant du dossier se lit comme une liste des lacunes du projet.

    Deux des constats défavorables dépendent des plans non publiés d’ALTO — la présence de gares aéroportuaires et le degré de centralité des gares terminales — et pourraient s’améliorer. Les autres découlent de la physique et de l’économie : la coupure et l’implantation périphérique qu’entraîne un tracé dénivelé à 250 km/h et plus, ainsi que les chiffres de coûts et d’achalandage établis par les travaux de l’Initiative sur classe de référence.

    Télécharger
    Un témoin bienveillant — note complète (PDF)
    Évaluation, recommandation par recommandation, du mémoire de Trajectoire Québec au regard de la conception réelle d’ALTO
    Télécharger le PDF
    L’appui

    Un appui fondé sur un sondage, non sur un argumentaire

    Trajectoire a été l’un des premiers appuis de la proposition de train à grande fréquence de VIA Rail (le TGF). Son mémoire soutient désormais le train à grande vitesse — mais de façon conditionnelle, « dans la mesure où » le projet assure accessibilité, intégration et équité. Le récit même du mémoire attribue le passage de la grande fréquence à la grande vitesse non pas à un argumentaire technique ou économique, mais à un sondage de 2024 qu’il cite — 92 % préférant la grande vitesse à la grande fréquence — et aux préférences exprimées par des maires. Ce que l’organisme réclame n’a pas changé lorsque son appui, lui, a changé : un train interurbain fréquent, fiable, abordable et bien connecté. Les recommandations décrivent ce train; l’appui repose par-dessus.

    9
    recommandations dans le mémoire de Trajectoire
    sommaire des recommandations
    ~0,07
    ratio avantages-coûts d’ALTO, estimation centrale
    analyse sur classe de référence de l’Initiative
    43 → 54
    friction communautaire, avant → après la consultation
    indice de friction de l’Initiative
    Recommandation par recommandation

    Neuf recommandations, mesurées à la conception

    Le sommaire du mémoire énumère lui-même neuf recommandations. Mises en regard de la conception qu’ALTO fait avancer et des travaux de l’Initiative, chacune se résout en un constat.

    La recommandation de TrajectoireCe que la conception d’ALTO livre
    1. Gares en centre-ville, universellement accessibles, intégrées aux réseaux locaux et interurbains. Les gares centrales s’inscrivent dans les réseaux de transport existants, facilitant les correspondances et réduisant la dépendance à l’auto pour accéder au train.Un tracé dénivelé conçu pour 250 km/h et plus — la vitesse que les trois soumissionnaires ont proposée de façon indépendante — ne peut être inséré dans des centres-villes denses à un coût que le projet acceptera d’assumer, ce qui repousse les gares vers la périphérie. Les exemples mêmes de Trajectoire — l’attrait de la gare du Palais plutôt que de Sainte-Foy, l’effet incitatif à l’automobile de la gare excentrée d’Ottawa — sont le motif vers lequel la conception d’ALTO tend, et non dont elle s’éloigne.
    Constat :Conflit structurel
    2. Intégration urbaine sans barrières infranchissables pour piétons et cyclistes. Le réseau doit s’intégrer au tissu urbain sans couper les cheminements piétons et cyclables ni imposer de longs détours.Une voie à grande vitesse doit être intégralement dénivelée et clôturée sur toute sa longueur. Cette coupure est la barrière infranchissable que la recommandation demande d’éviter — une condition de la vitesse, non un détail. La mesure de friction prospective de l’Initiative résume l’écart : une dorsale à haute performance obtient environ 29, contre environ 65 pour ALTO.
    Constat :Conflit structurel
    3. Abordable et accessible à toutes et tous. Un projet financé par des fonds publics doit servir toute la population, avec des tarifs qui gardent le train compétitif face à l’auto pour les jeunes, les familles et les aînés.Un coût central près de 143 millions de dollars le kilomètre, un ratio avantages-coûts d’environ 0,07 et un achalandage faible (~0,29 déplacement par habitant) dans les travaux de l’Initiative créent une pression structurelle vers des tarifs élevés, de recouvrement des coûts — l’inverse de la tarification équitable qu’exige la recommandation.
    Constat :Contredit par l’économie
    4. Contrôle serré des coûts; participation privée au besoin; pas d’éviction du transport urbain. Le projet ne doit pas absorber le financement fédéral dont dépendent les réseaux de transport urbain.La même économie pointe vers une éviction budgétaire — précisément le risque que redoute la recommandation. Rien au dossier n’indique le contrôle serré des coûts qu’elle réclame.
    Constat :Contredit par l’économie
    5. Gares aux aéroports de Montréal-Trudeau (YUL) et de Québec / Jean-Lesage (YQB). Des correspondances aéroportuaires directes capteraient les voyageurs régionaux et internationaux en leur épargnant un transfert.À ce que montre le plan public d’ALTO, les gares aéroportuaires ne figurent pas. Ce constat dépend de plans qu’ALTO n’a pas entièrement publiés et pourrait changer.
    Constat :Absent du projet
    6. Modifier le mandat d’ALTO pour prévoir plus de gares intermédiaires. Plus d’arrêts élargiraient l’achalandage et bâtiraient l’acceptabilité le long du corridor.Chaque arrêt intermédiaire érode l’avantage de temps de parcours, seule justification d’une ligne neuve à 300 km/h plutôt que d’améliorations à plus haute fréquence. La recommandation demande donc au gouvernement de défaire en partie la prémisse du projet. Trajectoire le concède à demi, en proposant des voies d’évitement pour que les express dépassent les trains locaux.
    Constat :Contraire à la prémisse
    7. Préserver et améliorer le service interurbain conventionnel sur le réseau existant. Le service du corridor existant — celui que Trajectoire a autrefois défendu sous la bannière de la grande fréquence — ne doit pas être dégradé.Une ligne neuve et distincte ne fait rien, à elle seule, pour préserver ou améliorer le service conventionnel de VIA. L’Initiative a documenté une substitution de référentiel dans les documents de coûts d’ALTO, où le scénario à grande fréquence est remplacé par un « rail conventionnel » indifférencié. L’approche à double actif qui satisferait cette recommandation — une dorsale neuve qui libère aussi le réseau patrimonial — relève du cadre HPR, et ALTO ne l’offre pas.
    Constat :Non traité
    8. Expérience client aux standards européens et asiatiques, distincte de l’avion. Billetterie simple, information claire, bagages faciles, sans enregistrement de type aéroportuaire.Un choix opérationnel arrêté tard dans la réalisation. Le dossier n’offre aucun signal dans un sens ou dans l’autre; il est juste de le dire indéterminé.
    Constat :Indéterminé
    9. Assurer l’acceptabilité sociale par des consultations rigoureuses et proactives. L’acceptabilité se bâtit par une consultation réelle, précoce et capable d’influer sur le projet.La friction communautaire, selon l’indice de l’Initiative, est passée de 43 à 54 après le cycle de consultation — le processus a accru l’opposition au lieu de bâtir l’acceptabilité. Mesuré à ce mouvement, l’appel poli d’un organisme favorable à de meilleures consultations est le constat que la consultation a jusqu’ici échoué à son propre test.
    Constat :En échec
    Le motif

    Un mémoire favorable décrit un autre train

    Placez les recommandations les unes à côté des autres et une seule forme se dégage.

    Les recommandations décrivent un train à grande fréquence

    Accès au centre-ville, plus de gares, tarifs abordables, intégration aux réseaux, maintien du service conventionnel — point par point, c’est la proposition de valeur du train à grande fréquence conventionnel, la thèse que l’Initiative défend sous le cadre HPR, reformulée par un organisme convaincu d’appuyer autre chose.

    Même le témoin bienveillant décrit les lacunes

    Le mémoire le plus bienveillant du dossier décrit le projet par ce qui lui manque. Cela compte précisément parce que le témoin est favorable : l’écart entre ce qu’ALTO est et ce que ses partisans souhaitent n’est pas un artefact partisan. Il est visible même pour ceux qui encouragent le train.

    Structurel, non simplement contingent

    Deux constats défavorables — gares aéroportuaires et centralité des terminus — dépendent des plans non publiés d’ALTO et pourraient s’améliorer. Les autres découlent de la conception elle-même : la coupure et l’implantation périphérique qu’entraîne un tracé dénivelé à 250 km/h et plus, ainsi que l’économie des coûts et de l’achalandage des travaux de l’Initiative. Ceux-là ne bougent qu’avec le choix technologique.

    Où en sommes-nous · juillet 2026

    Bilan récapitulatif

    En résumé, au regard des recommandations du mémoire :

    Indéterminé
    Expérience client (rec. 8) : indéterminée — choix opérationnel arrêté tard.
    Non satisfait
    Gares centrales, accessibles, intégrées (rec. 1) : conflit structurel avec un tracé dénivelé à grande vitesse.
    Non satisfait
    Intégration urbaine sans coupure (rec. 2) : le corridor clôturé et dénivelé est lui-même la barrière.
    Non satisfait
    Tarifs abordables pour tous (rec. 3) : l’économie pousse vers une tarification de recouvrement.
    Non satisfait
    Contrôle des coûts; pas d’éviction du transport urbain (rec. 4) : l’économie pointe vers l’éviction budgétaire.
    Non satisfait
    Gares aéroportuaires à YUL et YQB (rec. 5) : absentes du plan public — tributaire des plans d’ALTO.
    Non satisfait
    Plus de gares intermédiaires (rec. 6) : contraire à la prémisse express d’une ligne à 300 km/h.
    Non satisfait
    Préserver / améliorer le service conventionnel (rec. 7) : une ligne neuve distincte ne le livre pas; le geste à double actif du cadre HPR est absent.
    Non satisfait
    Acceptabilité sociale par la consultation (rec. 9) : la friction est passée de 43 à 54 après la consultation.

    Trajectoire Québec appuie le train. Ses recommandations, lues au regard de la conception réelle d’ALTO, ne sont pas — pour l’essentiel — satisfaites par le projet tel que défini. L’organisme ne demande pas des retouches à une conception qu’il accepte; il décrit, recommandation par recommandation, un train à grande fréquence que la ligne neuve à grande vitesse n’a jamais été conçue pour être.

    Télécharger la note complète
    Un témoin bienveillant (PDF)
    Analyse, recommandation par recommandation, pour les décideurs, les députés et les citoyens qui suivent le dossier
    Télécharger le PDF
    Source

    Le mémoire évalué

    1.
    Trajectoire Québec, Train à grande vitesse entre Québec et Toronto : une occasion à saisir pour améliorer les transports interurbains au Québec. Mémoire présenté à ALTO, 24 avril 2026. trajectoire.quebec
    2.
    L’évaluation s’appuie sur les travaux de l’Initiative — les modèles de coûts et d’achalandage sur classe de référence, l’indice de friction communautaire, et la note d’information A-2025-00015 du Bureau du Conseil privé, qui confirme que les trois soumissionnaires ont proposé de façon indépendante des tracés neufs à 250 km/h et plus.
  • The Stations that aren’t there

    The Stations That Aren’t There

    The tourism ALTO’s line leaves at the station — and the small-town visitor economy an integrated network could reach instead.

    ⚠ A short list of city stops

    ALTO’s mandate fixes seven stations — Toronto, Peterborough, Ottawa, Laval, Montréal, Trois-Rivières, and Québec City — only five of them between the endpoints, and every one a city rather than a recreational town. To hold 300+ km/h, the dedicated new alignment stops as little as possible: the original eastern-Ontario option ran a straight line with no stop between Peterborough and Ottawa. Alto FAQ

    After consultation, the government signalled in June 2026 a strong preference for a more southerly route nearer Highway 401 with a potential Kingston stop, keeping the northern corridor alive but deprioritised; the final alignment is still being assessed. Either way the pattern holds — a handful of city stops, and access by car: ALTO’s own pitch is that most residents east of Peterborough would be within a 25-minute drive of a station. The small towns and shorelines that draw the corridor’s leisure travel sit off the line. CBC

    Critical Finding

    ALTO frames tourism as a metro-connectivity product: faster links between big cities. But the corridor’s large, capturable, and better-distributed tourism opportunity is the opposite trip — domestic leisure travel from the four metros out to smaller towns and recreational areas. That market is already huge, overwhelmingly intra-provincial, mostly same-day, and almost entirely car-dependent.

    This is not small towns instead of big cities. A faster, more reliable High Performance trunk improves the metro trip too — most of the way, since the large gain is over today’s freight-delayed VIA service, not over ALTO. An integrated network reaches the metro market and the small-town market; ALTO’s express spine reaches the first, marginally faster, and by geometry bypasses the second — and can draw activity toward its hub stations rather than distributing it.

    On transparent, adjustable assumptions (a fifteen-minute station catchment, scenario ranges for capture and induced demand), an integrated network could plausibly generate an illustrative band of roughly $30 million to $640 million a year in net-new, locally-retained small-town tourism spending. These are scenario figures, not a forecast; the point is that the benefit is real, net-new rather than displaced, and lands in the communities the express line skips.

    The Market

    A large market, already on the road

    1 in 3
    domestic trips is for holidays, leisure or recreation — the market ALTO’s frame overlooks
    StatCan National Travel Survey
    ~14%
    of domestic travel spending goes to gas and vehicle operation — the leisure market is car-locked
    StatCan National Travel Survey
    ~$200M
    illustrative central net-new small-town tourism per year an integrated network could capture (band ~$30M to ~$640M)
    Initiative scenario

    The domestic leisure market the corridor sits inside is very large. About one in three domestic trips by Canadians is for holidays, leisure or recreation — on the order of ninety-five million such trips nationally in a normal pre-pandemic year — and travel within Canada has since climbed to new highs, with tens of billions of dollars spent each quarter.

    In Ontario, domestic travellers made roughly 116 million visits in a recent full year, over 93 per cent of them Ontarians travelling within their own province; Quebec is the second most-visited province. Most of this travel is same-day — in Ontario about two-thirds — and a same-day trip already means a journey of at least forty kilometres each way.

    And it is car travel. Gas and vehicle operation is consistently one of the three largest categories of domestic travel spending, at around 14 per cent — a direct measure of how car-locked leisure travel to non-metro destinations currently is. Per-visit spending is modest (same-day visits average roughly $70 in Ontario and $75 in Quebec) but the volume is the story.

    This is the demand pool. It is intra-provincial, high-frequency, price-sensitive, and today almost entirely dependent on the private car — which is precisely the market a convenient, well-priced, integrated rail network could convert, and precisely the market a metro-to-metro express line does not address.

    The Geography

    Where the leisure map meets the line

    The test the Initiative applied is simple: which of the corridor’s recreational regions fall within a fifteen-minute reach of a station ALTO is mandated to build? On that test, most do not.

    Recreational regionRelationship to the ALTO line
    Prince Edward County (ON)No station. The nearest existing rail town, Belleville, is bypassed by the northern alignment. Unserved.
    Thousand Islands / Gananoque (ON)Hinges on the Kingston stop, under assessment since June 2026 on the preferred southern route. If confirmed, Kingston would interconnect the existing VIA station and serve as a genuine gateway — though access stays a drive-to-station model. Conditional.
    Northumberland shore — Cobourg, Port Hope (ON)The line routes inland via Peterborough, away from the lakeshore towns and their existing rail. Unserved.
    Kawarthas (ON)Peterborough is a mandated stop and a genuine gateway. Served.
    Rideau corridor — Perth, Westport, Smiths Falls (ON)Off the alignment; no station. Unserved.
    Eastern Townships / Cantons-de-l’Est (QC)South of Montréal, off the Québec-bound line. Unserved.
    Mauricie (QC)Trois-Rivières is a mandated stop and a gateway. Served.
    Charlevoix (QC)Northeast of Québec City, far beyond the line’s end. Unserved.
    Laurentians / Mont-Tremblant (QC)North of Laval; the resort areas lie well beyond any mandated station. Unserved.

    Three of the stops are real recreational gateways, and this brief counts them as such: Peterborough for the Kawarthas, Trois-Rivières for the Mauricie, and — if confirmed — Kingston for the Thousand Islands. But even among these, ALTO’s own materials place Peterborough and Trois-Rivières at the city’s edge, near highways rather than in the centre; only a Kingston stop, reusing the existing VIA station, would set a visitor down in the town itself. The pattern is nonetheless clear: the station set is a list of cities, and whether the eastern-Ontario segment runs north or on the preferred southern line, it stops at cities and passes the belt of small towns and shorelines where corridor residents actually spend their leisure time.

    The Mechanism

    An express spine concentrates; it does not distribute

    Two features of a 300+ km/h line work against dispersed tourism. The first is stop spacing. High speed is only worth building if the train rarely stops; every added station erodes the time saving that justifies the cost. A line optimised for Toronto–Montréal in about three hours cannot also be a network of small-town halts — the two objectives are in direct tension, and the metros win.

    The second is the straw effect (sometimes the tunnel effect), one of the better-documented findings in high-speed-rail economics: fast, few-stop lines tend to concentrate activity in their terminal cities and can draw it out of the places they pass. For tourism specifically, a traveller moved from metro to metro in three hours has no reason to stop in between, and the towns without a platform capture nothing. The honest reading is therefore not that ALTO is merely unhelpful to small-town tourism, but that its geometry can be actively adverse to it.

    An integrated High Performance network works the other way. A trunk at 180–240 km/h on existing corridors, with regional feeders and timed local connections, trades a little top speed for many more points of access — and it is the access, not the speed, that unlocks the leisure trip.

    Couldn’t ALTO just add the last-mile links?

    It could, and it says it will: ALTO has publicly stated it wants the network interconnected with the REM and metro in Montréal and Laval, the LRT and VIA in Ottawa, and the same in Kingston. Municipal and regional-transit integration is a policy choice open to any operator, not a property of one technology. But last-mile links work on top of stations — they amplify access at stops that exist; they cannot create a stop where the line does not run. And ALTO’s own access model is drive-to-station: its selling point for the Kingston option is that most residents east of Peterborough would be within a 25-minute drive of a platform — car-dependent access, the opposite of the car-free leisure trip. The binding constraint is the number and placement of stops, and no shuttle programme changes it.

    The comparison is both-and, not either-or

    High Performance Rail does not trade the metro trip away to reach the small towns; it improves both. A more frequent, more reliable trunk on dedicated track would substantially boost metro-to-metro leisure travel over today’s freight-delayed VIA service — and most of that gain comes from leaving freight-priority track, not from the final increment of speed. The Initiative’s own analysis finds ALTO’s extra 17 to 25 minutes per city pair is a small addition to a benefit High Performance Rail has already largely captured. So an integrated network reaches the metro market and the small-town market; ALTO reaches the first, marginally faster, and forecloses the second.

    Even where ALTO stops, the platform tends to sit outside the centre

    The design privileges speed over central access, and the station choices show it. The one true downtown terminal, Montréal, depends on a tunnel of more than ten kilometres under the Rivière des Prairies and Mount Royal — costed by a McGill analysis at over a billion dollars a kilometre, some 12 to 18 per cent of the whole $60–90 billion budget. As the single most expensive discrete element on the line, with a suburban Laval station already built into the first phase, it is the obvious thing to defer or drop if costs run over — as, on megaproject form, they will. The others already point the same way: by ALTO’s own CEO, Toronto’s first station will be suburban, opening ahead of any downtown stop; the Transport Minister has set aside the historic downtown Ottawa station on cost and geology grounds; Québec City’s central Gare du Palais is largely ruled out as too slow; and Peterborough, Trois-Rivières and Laval are sited near highways and open land to hold the 300 km/h line. Should the Montréal tunnel go the way of the others, not one of the four major anchors would be left with a secure downtown station. Where the design builds fresh for speed, the platform lands outside town and the visitor arrives by car — the opposite of the car-free leisure trip. The one honest exception is reuse: at Ottawa’s Tremblay hub and a possible Kingston on the VIA line, ALTO leans on an existing transit-connected station and access works — which is exactly the High Performance model of keeping the platform where the town already is.

    The Estimate

    A transparent scenario, not a forecast

    The following is deliberately built as visible arithmetic. Every input is a parameter the reader can change; the three columns are a low, central, and high scenario rather than a single prediction. The catchment is set at the fifteen-minute reach used for the geography test above.

    Parameter (annual, at maturity)LowCentralHigh
    Addressable leisure-trip pool — metro origin, destination within 15 min of a networked station3.0M6.0M9.0M
    × Rail capture of addressable car trips10%20%30%
    = Shifted rail trips0.30M1.20M2.70M
    × Induced-demand uplift+10%+25%+40%
    = Rail leisure trips at maturity0.33M1.50M3.78M
    × Net local spend per trip (blended same-day / overnight)$90$130$170
    = Annual net-new local tourism spend~$30M~$195M~$640M

    Illustrative scenario arithmetic. Each parameter is an input, not an observation; the central column is one plausible path through the band, not a point forecast. Pool figures represent a single-digit-millions slice of the corridor’s tens of millions of annual leisure trips.

    Read as a band, an integrated network plausibly captures somewhere between a few tens of millions and roughly $640 million a year in net-new, locally-retained small-town tourism spending, with a central illustrative figure near $200 million. The width of that band is the honest expression of the uncertainty; narrowing it is a modelling exercise, not a rhetorical one. What matters for the comparison with ALTO is not that the high scenario approaches ALTO’s $800 million claim, but that these are net-new and locally-retained dollars — not the gross, un-netted, metro-concentrated figure ALTO reports — and that they land in the communities the express line bypasses.

    The Reference Class

    Integration is the unlock — the Swiss test

    The case that rail can distribute tourism to small towns is not hypothetical; it is the everyday reality of the most integrated networks. Switzerland is the standing proof of concept: timed-transfer scheduling, a single ticketing system, and regional and postbus connections that reach valley and lakeside towns make car-free leisure travel the default rather than the exception, and tourism spending is spread across small communities precisely because the network reaches and connects them. The United Kingdom’s community-rail partnerships show the same mechanism at modest scale, turning secondary lines into local visitor economies.

    The reference class also carries its warning, which this brief states plainly: where fast lines are built without that integration, the straw effect can leave intermediate places worse off, as parts of the Japanese experience show. The lesson is consistent in both directions. It is integration — ticketing, timed connections, and last-mile links — not raw speed, that determines whether rail distributes tourism or concentrates it. That is a choice about network design, and it is the choice an express spine makes in one direction and an integrated High Performance network makes in the other.

    The Condition

    The benefit is conditional, and the brief says so

    This estimate carries a load-bearing assumption, and honesty requires naming it. The entire small-town dividend depends on the last mile actually existing: a train to a rural station accomplishes little if the visitor still needs a car on arrival. The captured trips in the scenario above are conditional on shuttles, regional transit, bike and e-bike hire, and timed connections being built and funded alongside the line. Where that integration is absent, capture rates collapse toward the low column. This condition is not unique to the alternative — ALTO’s own city stations need last-mile links too, and it is pursuing them; the difference is reach, since integration can only amplify the stops a network has, and an integrated network simply has more of them, closer to the destinations.

    Three further limits keep the estimate disciplined. Some premier recreational areas — dispersed cottage country, backcountry, and lakes reached only by private road — are intrinsically car-shaped and fall outside the addressable set at any catchment. Leisure demand is sharply peaked by season and weekend, which is capacity-inefficient and weakens the operating economics rather than strengthening them. And the induced-demand component is the softest parameter in the model; over-reading it would repeat exactly the optimism bias the Initiative documents in ALTO’s own forecasts. The scenario is built to resist that temptation, which is why the low column is deliberately austere.

    Where things stand · July 2026

    Summary ledger

    On the tourism question, measured against ALTO’s own framing:

    Overlooked
    Market — one in three domestic trips is leisure, and the corridor’s small-town leisure economy is large and car-locked. ALTO’s frame addresses metro-to-metro travel, not this market.
    Bypassed
    Geography — most recreational regions fall outside a fifteen-minute reach of any ALTO station; whether the line runs north or on the preferred southern route, it stops only at cities. Peterborough, Trois-Rivières, and (if confirmed) Kingston are the exceptions.
    Adverse
    Mechanism — an express spine concentrates activity in hub cities and can draw it out of bypassed towns (the straw effect), rather than distributing it.
    Available
    Alternative — an integrated High Performance network reaches the metro market (most of ALTO’s benefit, over VIA) and the small-town market: an illustrative central ~$200M a year in net-new local spend, band ~$30M to ~$640M.
    Conditional
    Condition — the dividend is contingent on last-mile integration being built and funded; absent it, capture falls to the low scenario.

    ALTO reports an $800 million annual tourism benefit as a gross figure, concentrated in the metros its line connects. This brief does not dispute that rail generates tourism value between the metros — High Performance Rail delivers most of that too, over today’s VIA service, and at a fraction of the cost. It adds the value ALTO leaves out: the leisure trip out of the city to the small town. One approach captures both markets; the other captures the first, marginally faster, and skips the second. The difference is a network built to stop, not a spine built to skip.

    Download Full Brief
    The Stations That Aren’t There (PDF)
    Small-town tourism and the express spine — the full brief with sources.
    Download PDF
    Sources

    Documents and data

    1.
    ALTO, Frequently Asked Questions and About Alto — the seven federally mandated stations (Toronto, Peterborough, Ottawa, Laval, Montréal, Trois-Rivières, Québec City). altotrain.ca
    2.
    CBC News, coverage of the ALTO route, schedule and land-access surveys, March 2026 — station list, Ottawa–Montréal first phase, and concerns from communities on existing rail routes. cbc.ca
    3.
    The Canadian Press, “Toronto area could get two high-speed rail stations,” April 30, 2026 — seven mandated stops, a possible eighth in the Toronto suburbs, and the 72-trains-per-day service concept.
    4.
    CBC News and Ottawa Business Journal, June 22–23, 2026 — the government’s stated preference for a southern route with a potential Kingston stop interconnecting VIA, the “25-minute drive” catchment claim, and ALTO’s stated intent to connect with the REM, metro, LRT and VIA. cbc.ca obj.ca
    5.
    Station-siting reporting, 2026: ALTO network map (Peterborough near major roadways with bus connections; a northern approach studied at Trois-Rivières owing to downtown density; a Mount Royal tunnel to reach downtown Montréal). altotrain.ca The Canadian Press and The Globe and Mail on Toronto’s suburban-first station opening ahead of a downtown stop; The Globe and Mail and CBC on the Transport Minister setting aside the historic downtown Ottawa station in favour of the existing Tremblay VIA/O-Train hub; and Imbleau largely ruling out Québec City’s Gare du Palais. theglobeandmail.com cbc.ca On the downtown Montréal tunnel — more than ten kilometres, costed by a McGill analysis via The Canadian Press at over CA$1 billion per kilometre, or 12 to 18 per cent of the project budget: trains.com
    6.
    Statistics Canada, National Travel Survey — domestic leisure-trip volumes, same-day share, mode, and expenditure categories (including gas and vehicle operation). Tables 24-10-0070-01 and 24-10-0071-01. statcan.gc.ca
    7.
    Statistics Canada, The Daily, National Travel Survey and Visitor Travel Survey, 2025 quarters — recent domestic tourism spending and per-visit averages for Ontario and Quebec. statcan.gc.ca
    8.
    Reference class (qualitative): the Swiss integrated rail and travel system (timed transfers, single ticketing, regional and postbus links); the United Kingdom’s Community Rail Partnerships; and the high-speed-rail “straw / tunnel effect” literature, including Japanese Shinkansen studies.
    9.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, modal-shift research notes and the scenario methodology set out in this brief — fifteen-minute station catchment, and low / central / high ranges for rail capture, induced demand, and per-trip local spend.
  • One missing number

    Many Benefits, One Missing Number

    ALTO’s benefits page, set against independent estimates for the corridor — and against the cost figure it never states.

    ⚠ What the page does not say

    ALTO’s “Discover Alto’s Many Benefits” page presents at least nine distinct benefit figures — GDP, jobs, tourism, road decongestion, emissions avoided, and annual ridership. It states no capital cost, no operating subsidy, and no benefit-cost ratio anywhere on the page. ALTO benefits page

    Every figure on the page is a numerator. The one number that would let a reader judge whether the benefits are worth the spending — the cost of the project — appears nowhere on it.

    Critical Finding

    The page is built on a single asymmetry: benefits are presented gross, and the cost side is absent. Restore the denominator and the picture inverts. On ALTO’s own official $60–90 billion cost the benefit-cost ratio is only about 0.1; on the Initiative’s higher independent estimate, about 0.06 — against roughly 0.44 for the lower-speed HPPR alternative. Whichever cost figure you use, the benefits recover a dime or less on the dollar, far short of the 1.0 a project needs to break even; the page asks readers to evaluate the project on numerator alone.

    On the page’s own headline figures, the ridership claim of up to 24 million passengers by 2055 is roughly 2.6 times the Initiative’s central estimate, and the sustainability claim inverts under full-lifecycle carbon accounting: the Initiative finds ALTO a net emitter of about 15 million tonnes CO₂e over fifty years, while HPPR is a net carbon sink.

    This is the standard presentation pattern of optimism bias documented in megaproject appraisal: gross benefits foregrounded, costs and risks kept off the page, and ceiling figures — “up to” — offered as though they were expectations.

    The Frame

    Benefits gross, cost absent

    The GDP line is the clearest instance. The page reports a 1.1 per cent increase in Canada’s GDP, valued at $24.5 billion “in today’s value” — a figure discounted to the present without disclosing the capital sum it is being discounted against. The Initiative’s ECI/CFI cost model puts ALTO at approximately $143 million per kilometre central; over a corridor of roughly one thousand kilometres, the capital envelope is an order of magnitude larger than any single benefit line quoted on the page. The HPPR spine, by contrast, is modelled at roughly $28–40 million per kilometre. ALTO’s own official figure, stated elsewhere, is $60–90 billion for the corridor; the conclusion here does not turn on whose estimate you take, since even on that lower number the benefit-cost ratio is only about 0.1, and on the Initiative’s estimate about 0.06.

    Presented this way, the benefits cannot be wrong — only incomplete. A gross benefit is a real quantity; it simply says nothing about whether the project earns it back. That judgement requires the two numbers the page withholds: the cost, and the ridership assumption most of the other benefits depend on.

    Comparison

    The page’s claims against the corridor’s numbers

    Each row sets a figure as ALTO states it beside the corresponding finding from the Initiative’s modelling.

    ALTO’s ClaimThe Initiative’s Finding
    Ridership. Up to 24 million passengers annually by 2055. The Initiative’s central estimate is approximately 9.2 million in 2055, rising to about 12.5 million by 2080 — roughly 2.6 times lower than the page’s figure. “Up to” marks a ceiling, not an expectation, and the figure coincides exactly with the page’s own 2041 corridor population of 24 million, inviting readers to conflate people in the corridor with trips captured.
    Emissions. 100% electric — the equivalent of removing about 100,000 cars from the road each year. “100% electric” describes operational emissions only. Counted over its full lifecycle — the embodied carbon of a 300+ km/h greenfield build, against a ridership that is itself overstated — the Initiative finds ALTO a net emitter of roughly +15 Mt CO₂e over fifty years. The lower-speed HPPR alternative, built largely on existing alignment, is a net carbon sink.
    Economic impact. 1.1% increase in Canada’s GDP ($24.5 billion in today’s value). A gross benefit stated with no cost and no netting, discounted to present value without disclosing the capital figure behind it. Set against the Initiative’s cost model, the corresponding benefit-cost ratio is approximately 0.06.
    Jobs. Over 50,000 during construction; a further 5,000 once operational. Construction employment is a project input — a cost — not a benefit. Counting it on the benefit ledger is double-counting, among the most reliably flagged errors in megaproject business cases. The 5,000 operational jobs are a genuine recurring effect; the 50,000 construction jobs are not a benefit at all.
    Road decongestion. Valued at $570 million. The figure scales directly off ridership. If the 24 million capture is roughly 2.6 times high, the decongestion benefit is proportionally overstated. Induced demand refilling freed road capacity is not addressed.
    Tourism. Approximately $800 million in revenue each year. A gross figure with no displacement netting — spending that would have occurred anyway, or shifted from elsewhere in the corridor, is not removed.
    Travel times. Toronto–Montréal ~3h; Ottawa–Montréal ~1h; Montréal–Québec City ~1h30. These times are the payoff of the 300+ km/h greenfield alignment that drives both the ~$143M/km cost and the community disruption the page does not mention. HPPR achieves competitive times at 180–240 km/h for a fraction of the cost.
    Cost of the project. Stated nowhere on the page. ALTO’s own official range, given elsewhere, is $60–90 billion; the Initiative’s independent estimate is higher, at roughly $143 million per kilometre. This is the number against which every benefit above would have to be weighed — and the one the benefits page omits.
    Three Inversions

    Where the page’s strongest claims turn over

    The sustainability claim inverts under lifecycle accounting

    The page’s environmental case rests on ALTO being “100% electric.” That describes how the trains are powered, not what building the line costs in carbon. A 300+ km/h greenfield corridor — concrete, steel, tunnelling, geofoam, land conversion — carries a large embodied-carbon debt that operational electricity does not offset, particularly once the offset is recomputed against realistic rather than headline ridership. The Initiative’s finding is a net carbon deficit of roughly +15 Mt CO₂e over fifty years, while the lower-speed HPPR alternative is a net sink. The single most quotable line on the page — sustainability — is the one the accounting reverses.

    “Up to 24 million” is a ceiling offered as an expectation

    The headline ridership number does the persuasive work of the page, and “up to” is doing the work inside it. The Initiative’s central estimate is about 9.2 million passengers in 2055. Systematic overstatement of rail ridership at the appraisal stage is one of the best-documented patterns in the megaproject-forecasting literature, and this figure fits it squarely. The Initiative’s brief The Anatomy of an Optimistic Forecast sets out the mechanism in full.

    Construction jobs are counted on the wrong side of the ledger

    The page presents “over 50,000 jobs during construction” as a benefit. In a proper appraisal, construction labour is an input the project pays for — part of its cost, not part of its return. Presenting it as a benefit counts the same money twice. This is standard in the appraisal literature, and it is one of the easier errors for a general reader to check.

    Three Numbers

    What restoring the denominator shows

    2.6×
    the page’s 2055 ridership claim over the Initiative’s central estimate
    Initiative ridership modelling
    +15 Mt
    net CO₂e over fifty years — ALTO as emitter, not saver, on a lifecycle basis
    Initiative lifecycle carbon analysis
    0.06–0.1
    benefit-cost ratio for ALTO — on the Initiative’s estimate and on ALTO’s own $60–90B; both far below 1.0 (HPPR ~0.44)
    Initiative cost & benefit model

    None of these three figures appears on ALTO’s benefits page. Each is derived from the page’s own claims once the cost and the ridership assumption are made explicit.

    Where things stand · July 2026

    Summary ledger

    Against the benefit claims as the page presents them:

    Overstated
    Ridership — “up to 24 million by 2055” is roughly 2.6 times the Initiative’s central estimate of ~9.2 million.
    Contradicted
    Emissions — the “100% electric” sustainability claim reverses to a net +15 Mt CO₂e deficit once lifecycle carbon is counted.
    Omitted
    Benefit-cost ratio — no BCR is stated anywhere; the Initiative’s central case is ~0.06.
    Omitted
    Capital cost — no cost figure appears on the page; central estimate ~$143M/km.
    Miscounted
    Construction jobs — presented as a benefit; they are a cost input, and counting them double-counts.
    Overstated
    Decongestion and tourism — gross figures that scale off the overstated ridership, with no netting for displacement or induced demand.
    Omitted
    Land and community impact — the disruption the 300+ km/h alignment requires is absent from the benefits page entirely.

    The page is titled “Discover Alto’s Many Benefits.” The benefits are real as gross figures; what the page withholds is the cost against which they would have to be set, the ridership assumption most of them depend on, and the lifecycle accounting that reverses its environmental claim. Read with those three restored, the case the page makes for the project is substantially weaker than the case it appears to make.

    Sources

    Documents and analysis

    1.
    ALTO, “Discover Alto’s Many Benefits,” altotrain.ca, page reviewed July 2026. altotrain.ca
    2.
    ALTO, “Fast Forward: Shaping Canada’s Future with a High-Speed Train,” the explanatory document referenced from the benefits page.
    3.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, ridership envelope modelling — central estimates: ALTO ~9.2M (2055) / ~12.5M (2080); HPPR ~8.2M (2055) / ~10.4M (2080).
    4.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, lifecycle carbon analysis — ALTO net +15 Mt CO₂e over fifty years; HPPR net sink.
    5.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, ECI/CFI cost model (ALTO ~$143M/km central; HPPR spine ~$28–40M/km) and benefit-cost analysis (ALTO ~0.06 on the Initiative’s cost and ~0.1 on ALTO’s own $60–90B; HPPR ~0.44).
    6.
    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative, “The Anatomy of an Optimistic Forecast” and “A Straighter Line,” citizenresearch.ca.
    7.
    Bent Flyvbjerg, on optimism bias and reference-class forecasting in the appraisal of major infrastructure projects.
  • Undressing the addressable market

    Technical Brief · Corridor Demand

    Undressing the Addressable Market

    Alto’s demand case, read against the corridor’s roadside counts, its current population path, and the international reference class.

    ⚠ New Finding · The 95-million figure has no published source

    Alto’s April 2026 commentary states that “ninety-five million intercity trips take place each year between the cities Alto will serve,” rising to 140 million by 2049. The figure has been repeated across government communications and press coverage since. It does not appear in Alto’s own explanatory document Fast Forward (March 2025), the Corporate Plan Summary 2024-25 to 2028-29, or the June 2026 What We Heard consultation report. No independent analyst — C.D. Howe, the Munk School, McGill TRAM — has adopted it. The denominator that anchors Alto’s modest-quarter framing is stated in a commentary without any published derivation.

    Key Finding

    95 M → ~25 M.  Alto’s 95-million-intercity-trips figure counts every trip, by every mode, over every distance, across the whole corridor. The market a high-speed line can realistically serve — the longer, station-to-station journeys where rail competes with air and car — is roughly a quarter of it, about 25 million a year; the rest is short, regional, and off-corridor travel no train could carry.

    Central independent ridership sits at 8–9 million a year, rising toward 10 at maturity — less than half of Alto’s 24-million target. The three markets a fast service actually converts (car, air, and existing rail) sum to about that level. The reference-class floor from comparable car-dependent corridors is 4–5 million. Alto’s 24-million target stands alone above every published independent forecast.

    Download
    Undressing the Addressable Market — Full Brief (PDF)
    Technical brief with methodology, tables, figures, and full source citations

    Download PDF

    The Claim

    Alto’s demand case, in its own words

    In an April 17, 2026 opinion piece published in the Toronto Star and La Presse and reproduced on altotrain.ca, Alto’s chief executive set out the demand case for the Toronto–Québec City high-speed line. Its central figures are a headline market of ninety-five million intercity trips a year across the corridor, rising to one hundred and forty million by 2049; a population of eighteen million reaching twenty-two million within fifteen years; and a target of twenty-four million annual passengers by 2055, presented as consistent with international outcomes. The piece is framed to reassure — its very title insists that high-speed rail is no leap of faith.

    This brief tests the claim on its own terms. It does not dispute that the corridor is large, that it is growing, or that its intercity system is under strain — all three are true. It disputes the inference the commentary draws from them: that a twenty-four-million forecast is therefore measured, modest, and safe.

    Read against three independent bodies of evidence — the corridor’s roadside traffic counts, the population path Statistics Canada now projects, and the international record of what comparable high-speed lines actually carry — the demand case rests on optimistic framing rather than measurement. Where the commentary offers large round numbers and a single favourable analogue, the evidence points to central ridership near a third of the headline, and to a growth story built on a population Canada has already walked back.

    What the Evidence Shows

    Six findings

    The findings rest on four independent methods, each built to be reproducible from public data: a reference class of comparable corridors, a modal-shift ridership model, a market-by-market demand build-up, and a re-basing on Statistics Canada’s current population. A fifth lens — the standard appraisal treatment of optimism bias — governs how all four are read.

    Central independent ridership is 8–9 million a year, not 24

    Rising toward 10 at maturity. The risk-adjusted floor from comparable car-dependent corridors is 4–5 million. Alto’s 24-million target sits above every published independent forecast of the corridor.

    The demand builds from three real sources, not a 95-million abstraction

    The market a fast service actually converts is measurable: the cars crossing the corridor, the air travellers on the competitive pairs, and the existing VIA riders it retains. Added together — roughly 2.8–3.5 million from car, 1.7–2.0 million from air, and about 3.3 million retained rail (VIA’s directly reported 2025 Corridor East ridership) — they come to about 8 to 9 million. The 95-million figure is an all-modes, all-pairs total that no service captures.

    The 95-million figure itself is unsourced

    Stated in the commentary without citation, and absent from Fast Forward (March 2025), the Corporate Plan Summary 2024-25 to 2028-29, and the June 2026 What We Heard consultation report. No independent analyst has adopted it. The denominator that anchors the modest-quarter framing is not just broad but unpublished.

    The demand-growth story reverses the per-capita trend

    Ninety-five to one hundred and forty million over 2026–2049 is about 1.7 per cent a year, faster than the corridor’s own population growth. The gap implies rising travel per resident — against the grain of hybrid work and videoconferencing.

    The population base is the pre-cap one

    Twenty-two million in fifteen years extrapolates the 2015–2025 immigration surge. Statistics Canada’s January 2026 projection is lower; on the current path the corridor is about 6.3 million people smaller by 2055 than the counterfactual Alto’s numbers assume.

    The one comparator offered is a best case

    Madrid–Barcelona is among the strongest high-speed successes on record. The honest reference class — the full distribution of high-speed outcomes, many of which undershot their forecasts — brackets the answer far below 24 million.

    Method 1 · Reference Class

    What comparable corridors actually carry

    Rather than model the corridor from assumptions, the reference-class method asks what corridors with similar car dependence, density, and trip lengths actually achieve once fast rail opens. Each candidate corridor is scored on a Car Dependency Index (CDI) — a composite of car mode share, population density, and transit provision at the endpoints. The Toronto–Québec City corridor’s high car dependence places it with reference cases that, rescaled to this line, carry the equivalent of roughly 4 to 5 million corridor trips a year at maturity. This is the risk-adjusted floor: what the evidence says the corridor is most likely to do before any speed, fare, or density assumption is layered on.

    Figure 1 — Comparable intercity-rail corridors plotted by their Car Dependency Index against annual ridership; the Toronto–Québec City corridor's high car dependence places it with reference cases carrying 4 to 5 million corridor trips a year.
    Figure 1 — The reference class: ridership against car dependency. Comparable intercity-rail corridors scored by their Car Dependency Index. The Toronto–Québec City corridor’s high car dependence places it with reference cases that, rescaled to this line, carry the equivalent of roughly 4 to 5 million corridor trips a year — the risk-adjusted floor.
    Methods 2 & 3 · The Three Markets

    Demand, counted not modelled

    A fast service on this corridor draws from three distinct current populations: the car market, the air market on the competitive city pairs, and the existing rail riders. Each is measurable from public data. Because they are distinct populations, they add without double-counting.

    The car market is read at the Highway 401 screenline where it crosses into Québec, after Ottawa-bound traffic has left via Highway 416 and Cornwall-local traffic has loaded, stripped of the 30 to 35 per cent commercial-truck share and short regional trips: roughly 8.8 to 11.0 million end-to-end car person-trips a year across the triangle at an occupancy of 2.0. Applying the road-market capture rates converts these into the rail ridership the car market alone would yield.

    Table 1 — Rail ridership drawn from the car market: per-leg car person-trips and rail capture rates for Toronto–Montréal, Ottawa–Toronto, and Ottawa–Montréal, summing to 2.8–3.5 million rail passengers per year from the car market.
    Table 1 — Rail ridership drawn from the car market. Capture rates are road-market shares from the modal-shift analysis at a moderate-fare regime; they express rail’s share of the combined car-and-rail market. Only Toronto–Montréal is confirmed by roadside counts; the Ottawa legs are demand-sized.

    The car market is only one of three. A fast corridor service also draws from the air travellers on the same city pairs, and it retains the passengers already riding the train. The corridor air market on the competitive pairs — Toronto–Montréal, Toronto–Ottawa, and the smaller Ottawa–Montréal — is on the order of 2.5 to 3.0 million point-to-point passengers a year, of which a fast train on these distances captures about two-thirds.

    Existing conventional rail is now reported directly in VIA’s 2025 annual results: 3.34 million passengers a year on the Corridor East service group (Québec City–Montréal–Ottawa–Toronto), within a Québec City–Windsor corridor total of 4.18 million. Essentially all of the triangle share is retained by a faster, more reliable service. VIA’s audited subsidy figures also fix the shape of the trip-length distribution: 48.51 dollars per passenger over 0.22 dollars per passenger-mile is an average trip of about 355 kilometres — roughly a third of the end-to-end corridor distance. Even the passengers already choosing rail are, on average, taking journeys well short of the full corridor.

    Table 2 — Where the corridor's rail ridership comes from: diversion from car (2.8–3.5M), diversion from air (1.7–2.0M), and existing VIA rail retained (~3.3M), summing to a central total of approximately 8–9 million rail passengers per year.
    Table 2 — Where the corridor’s rail ridership comes from (central). Car, air, and existing-rail travellers are distinct current populations, so the three sources add without double-counting. The rail line uses VIA’s Corridor East service group directly, rather than deriving a triangle share of the wider Québec City–Windsor total. The total is the central case around 2055; it rises toward 10 million at maturity as the ramp completes, and remains far below 24 million.
    Method 4 · The Population Basis

    The 6.3-million deficit

    Every ridership figure scales with the population beneath it, so the choice of population path is decisive. The brief uses Statistics Canada’s January 2026 projection (catalogue 17-20-0003), which incorporates the 2024–25 federal Immigration Levels Plan.

    Against the pre-2024 growth path that older corridor forecasts — and the commentary’s twenty-two-million figure — assume, this is materially lower: the corridor reaches about 19.8 million by 2055 on the current path, versus 26.1 million on the counterfactual, a deficit of 6.3 million. Because ridership scales with population, a forecast on the old path is inflated by roughly the same proportion the population has been cut — before any question of mode share or capture even arises.

    Figure 2 — Corridor population time series 2015–2060 showing four trajectories: pre-2024 counterfactual reaching 26.1M by 2055; Statistics Canada January 2026 central projection reaching 19.8M; high-growth 23.1M; low-growth 17.4M. Alto's CEO's 22M-in-fifteen-years forecast is marked as an outlier above the current path.
    Figure 2 — Corridor population: the 6.3-million deficit. The pre-2024 counterfactual (~1.8%/yr) reaches 26.1 million by 2055; Statistics Canada’s post-cap January 2026 projection (~1.0%/yr) reaches 19.8 million — a 6.3-million gap that every ridership figure scales with. The open diamond marks Alto’s own forecast of 22 million within fifteen years; its implied ~1.35%/yr growth runs above the current path.
    Triangulation

    Where Alto’s target sits against every independent forecast

    The three methods converge. The demand-side build-up sums to about 8 to 9 million a year; the bottom-up modal-shift model lands in the same place; the reference class puts a floor near 4 to 5 million. Set beside the full band of independent corridor estimates, Alto’s 24-million target stands alone above every one.

    Figure 3 — Independent corridor ridership estimates around 2055. Alto's published target of 24.0M is shown as an outlier above every independent forecast: Munk School 16–17M, C.D. Howe 12–21M, Federal Joint Project Office 13.5M, McGill TRAM 10.5M, and the Initiative's own central case at 9.2–12.1M.
    Figure 3 — Independent corridor ridership estimates against Alto’s target. Annual corridor ridership around 2055. Alto’s 24-million target stands alone above every independent forecast — the Munk School, C.D. Howe, the Joint Project Office, and McGill — and above the Initiative’s own central case (filled markers). The open markers plot the Initiative’s method on the pre-2024 population Alto’s numbers assume; even then it stays within the published band, so the distance is population basis, not method.
    The Claim, Audited

    Where the 95-million figure appears — and where it doesn’t

    A demand denominator on which a $60–90 billion capital commitment rests should be reproducible from published sources. Alto’s is not. The ninety-five-million and one-hundred-and-forty-million figures are stated in the April 2026 commentary without citation and are absent from every canonical planning document the corporation has published.

    PresentImbleau, M., “High-speed rail is not a leap of faith: why it matters for Canada’s growth” — Op-ed, Toronto Star and La Presse, April 17, 2026; reproduced on altotrain.ca. The single document in which the 95-million and 140-million figures appear. Stated without citation, methodology, or reference to any underlying study.

    AbsentFast Forward: Shaping Canada’s Future with a High-Speed Rail Network (March 2025) — Alto’s own public-facing explanatory document. Discusses ridership growth from ~3 million (2024) to 24 million (2055) and 43 million (2084), but does not reference the 95-million intercity-trip figure or provide any market-total denominator on that scale.

    AbsentVIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc., Corporate Plan Summary 2024-25 to 2028-29 (November 2024) — the corporation’s tabled planning document referenced by the Library of Parliament backgrounder on the project. Contains ridership targets (“17 million by 2059” for HFR, before the HSR rebrand) but no 95-million total-market figure.

    AbsentJune 2026 What We Heard Report on the corridor study area — Alto’s own summary of the January–April 2026 consultation, running to more than 130 pages. Does not reference a 95-million figure.

    AbsentQuarterly Financial Reports through Q3 2025-26 — Alto’s mandatory reporting to Parliament. Does not reference a 95-million figure.

    AbsentIndependent published analyses of the corridor — the C.D. Howe Institute’s All Aboard study (March 2026), the Munk School Global Economic Policy Lab’s HSR analysis, Transportation Research at McGill’s corridor demand modelling, and Michael Schabas’s Senate submission on Bill C-15 (January 2026, 65 pp.). None uses the 95-million figure.

    The finding does not, on its own, resolve whether the 95-million figure is defensible. It resolves whether the figure is auditable. On the public record as it stands, it is not: no derivation has been published, no methodology has been described, and no independent source has adopted it.

    Recommendation

    Three things follow

    The demand case that anchors a 1,000-kilometre corridor, a $60–90 billion capital commitment, and a multi-decade delivery programme cannot responsibly rest on figures that have not been made auditable. Three steps would meet the standard.

    Release the demand model for independent audit

    A forecast that anchors an alignment and a multi-decade capital commitment cannot responsibly remain unpublished. In particular, the derivation of the ninety-five-million and one-hundred-and-forty-million intercity-trip figures cited in the April 2026 commentary should be published alongside the underlying model.

    Adjust toward the reference class and current population

    Standard megaproject appraisal requires promoter forecasts to be adjusted toward the reference class rather than accepted at face value. Alto’s should also be re-based on Statistics Canada’s January 2026 population projection, rather than the pre-2024 path the current forecast assumes.

    Size the corridor decision to the audited demand

    Not to a ninety-five-million headline or a twenty-four-million target that no independent method reaches. High-speed rail need not be a leap of faith. But the demand case as currently stated is closer to one than the corridor’s own numbers allow.

    Download Full Brief
    Undressing the Addressable Market (PDF)
    Full methodology, tables, figures, basis and limitations, and complete source citations

    Download PDF

    Sources

    Primary documents and data

    Every figure in this analysis is drawn from the public sources or companion analyses set out below and is reproducible from them. Sources are grouped by the claim or quantity they support.

    1.The claim examined. Imbleau, M., President and Chief Executive Officer of Alto. “High-speed rail is not a leap of faith: why it matters for Canada’s growth.” Commentary, altotrain.ca, April 17, 2026. altotrain.ca. The source, stated without further citation, of the ninety-five-million and one-hundred-and-forty-million intercity-trip figures, the eighteen-to-twenty-two-million population claim, and the twenty-four-million passenger target for 2055.

    2.Alto planning documents in which the 95-million figure does not appear. Alto, Fast Forward: Shaping Canada’s Future with a High-Speed Rail Network (March 2025). VIA HFR – VIA TGF Inc., Corporate Plan Summary 2024-25 – 2028-29. Alto, June 2026 What We Heard Report on the corridor study area public consultation. All at altotrain.ca.

    3.Companion research, Citizen Research Initiative. Intercity Car Trips Between Toronto, Ottawa and Montréal (2026) — road-side measurement of end-to-end car travel at the Highway 401 Québec-boundary screenline, the per-leg car person-trips of Table 1, and the road-market capture rates of Table 2. HPR Research Report — Ridership (2026) — the demand reference class and Car Dependency Index (Figure 1); the modal-shift model, R = P × μ × s × φ(t); the population basis (Figure 2) and the 6.3-million deficit; and the triangulation against independent forecasts (Figure 3). All at citizenresearch.ca.

    4.Traffic and travel-demand data. Ministry of Transportation of Ontario, Provincial Highways Traffic Volumes — annual average daily traffic on Highway 401, sections between the Highway 416 interchange and the Québec boundary. VIA Rail Canada, 2025 Annual Report (Montréal, March 2026): 4.40 million passengers system-wide and 986 million passenger-miles; 4.18 million on the Québec City–Windsor corridor and 3.34 million on the Corridor East service group; audited service-group subsidy figures implying an average Corridor East trip of about 355 kilometres. Statistics Canada, Air passenger traffic at Canadian airports (table 23-10-0253), together with airport-authority passenger statistics for Toronto Pearson, Montréal–Trudeau, and Ottawa Macdonald–Cartier. Transport Canada, Transportation in Canada annual report.

    5.Population. Statistics Canada, Population Projections for Canada, Provinces and Territories, January 2026 vintage (catalogue 17-20-0003), which incorporates the 2024–25 federal Immigration Levels Plan; and Census of Population, 2021, for the corridor’s census-metropolitan-area populations. These underpin the 19.8-million (post-cap) and 26.1-million (pre-2024 counterfactual) 2055 corridor figures and the 6.3-million deficit.

    6.Comparator corridor forecasts. Transport Canada and the EcoTrain consortium, Updated Feasibility Study of a High-Speed Rail Service in the Québec City–Windsor Corridor (2011). Federal Joint Project Office and the VIA High Frequency Rail baseline (2021). Transportation Research at McGill (TRAM), corridor demand modelling. C.D. Howe Institute (2026), high-speed-rail scenario. Munk School Global Economic Policy Lab, corridor demand. Schabas, M., Alto High-Speed Rail: Conceptual Design and Business Case, Senate submission on Bill C-15 (January 2026). These supply the independent ridership band of Figure 3.

    7.Forecasting method and optimism bias. B. Flyvbjerg, “Survival of the Unfittest: Why the Worst Infrastructure Gets Built — and What We Can Do About It” (Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 2009), and related work establishing reference-class forecasting; B. Flyvbjerg and D. Gardner, How Big Things Get Done (2023). HM Treasury (United Kingdom), The Green Book and its supplementary guidance on optimism bias. Oxford Global Projects, reference-class forecasting datasets and practice. UK National Audit Office, successive reports on High Speed 2 (HS2) documenting systematic optimism in demand forecasts and cost escalation.

    ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative  ·  citizenresearch.ca  ·  Corridor Demand Brief  ·  July 2026
    Independent, non-partisan research on the proposed Toronto–Québec City high-speed rail corridor.
  • The more you look

    The More You Look, the Worse It Gets — ALTO HSR Citizen Research Initiative

    The More You Look, the Worse It Gets

    Thirty studies of high-speed rail in this corridor, across fifty-six years. One simple pattern runs through all of them.

    ⚠ The bottom line, up front

    The people building the railway say it will pay for itself. The one independent study in 2026 that actually checked the math — using the builders’ own cost estimates — found a hole of about $53 billion over fifty years.

    That’s not a fluke. It’s the pattern. For fifty-six years, the case for this railway has looked best in exactly the studies with the most to gain from building it.

    In one minute

    We read thirty major studies of high-speed rail in this corridor, from 1970 to today, and asked every one the same set of questions — with all the dollar figures put on a level footing.

    The verdict almost always matches who paid for the study. Equipment makers, the proponent and paid advocates say build it. Independent governments say wait. And every single study that actually runs the finances finds the same thing: ticket sales can’t cover the cost, so the public pays most of the bill.

    The numbers that look great — low costs, huge ridership, big climate wins — come from the promoters. The numbers that survive an independent look are far more sober. The closer and more independent the analysis, the weaker the case.

    Read the full report
    Corridor Rail Studies, 1970–2026 — A Cross-Decade Analysis
    Thirty studies, thirty-four dimensions, nine findings, with the full evidence tables
    Download PDF
    How we know

    Thirty studies. Same questions. Fifty-six years.

    We didn’t cherry-pick. We took thirty of the major studies of this railway — going right back to a 1970 federal commission — and put the same 34 questions to all of them, so the answers line up side by side across the decades.

    30
    major studies of this railway, read into one matrix
    1970–2026
    34
    questions asked of every single study
    so the answers compare
    56
    years of studies, all priced in today’s dollars
    a level playing field

    The studies come from every side: equipment makers, government task forces, a Crown corporation, universities, Transport Canada, and the builders themselves. That range is the whole point — it lets us tell a real change in the corridor apart from a change in who’s doing the asking.

    What we found

    Nine things every reader should know

    Read across all thirty studies, nine patterns keep showing up. Here they are in plain terms.

    1The answer depends on who paid for the study

    Line up the verdicts and it’s impossible to miss. The build-it studies come from equipment makers, from a Crown corporation that wanted to run the trains, from the proponent, and from paid advocates. Every independent government that looked said wait. Building new is the sponsors’ answer — not what fifty-six years of evidence actually points to.

    2It has never paid for itself. Not once.

    Every study that runs the money lands in the same spot: fares can’t cover the cost, and taxpayers foot most of the bill. VIA’s own 1984 numbers came out negative. In 1995, three governments agreed the public would cover 70–75%. In 2026, an independent model put the public subsidy at about $53 billion over fifty years — and found the railway wouldn’t even break even until year 44. The promise that it’ll fund itself is the single most optimistic claim in the whole record.

    3The closer you look, the more it costs

    Whenever a promoter and an independent body price the same thing, the promoter’s number is lower — and the price climbs as the estimate gets more serious. A 2026 advocacy paper gets the cost down to $63 billion only by assuming rock-bottom construction prices, about a third of our own central estimate of roughly $143 million per kilometre. The cheaper the headline, the thinner the math underneath it.

    4The ridership numbers don’t hold up

    The passenger forecasts are shakier than they look — and academics, an airline, Parliament and Transport Canada have all said so. One 1994 study showed the forecast could swing fivefold just by changing a single modelling choice, on the same data. Transport Canada’s own reviewers called the assumptions “optimistic and aggressive.” And the biggest numbers always belong to the promoters.

    5The freight idea is good — with one catch

    Splitting passengers and freight onto the corridor’s two parallel tracks, and freeing up freight capacity as a bonus, is a genuinely sound idea — it was proposed back in 2002. The catch: at the time, the freight railways said they didn’t need the extra capacity. It’s a strong argument, as long as it’s honest about that condition.

    6Going faster barely helps

    Study after study finds that top speed buys almost no extra riders — one found just an 8% jump going all the way from 300 to 400 km/h, another only about 9% from 200 to 300. So the level-headed studies settle far lower: a 2002 plan judged 240 km/h fast enough, and even the independent 2026 model assumes trains averaging just 200–250 km/h. The “top speed everywhere” designs are the outliers — a moderate railway of roughly 180–240 km/h carries nearly the same riders for far less money, and that’s where the evidence actually sits.

    7We’ve seen this financing risk before

    Having a private partner build and run the railway while the public owns the assets isn’t new — and neither is the warning. Both Parliament (1998) and Transport Canada (2003) flagged the same danger decades ago: deals like this can hand the risk to taxpayers and the reward to investors, with a rosy headline resting on one convenient assumption.

    8The climate math only counts the good half

    For decades, no study counted carbon at all. Now they do — but only the savings from getting people out of cars and planes. The huge emissions from pouring hundreds of kilometres of concrete and steel and clearing land? Left out. Count both sides honestly and this design adds emissions for decades. That’s the difference between a climate win and a climate cost.

    9When the numbers fail, out comes “nation-building”

    There’s a move that shows up again and again: when the dollars-and-cents case comes up short, in come national unity, regional growth, and keeping up with other countries. One 2016 report recommended extending the line even at a benefit-cost ratio of 0.24 — about 24 cents of benefit for every dollar spent. These arguments can be fair. But they do the heaviest lifting exactly where the economics are weakest.

    The gap, side by side

    What the promoters say vs. what independent studies find

    All nine findings come down to one contrast. Same railway, same engineering — but the promoters’ numbers and the independent record split apart at every point that matters, and they split the same way every time.

    What the promoters sayWhat independent studies find
    Build it new. Equipment makers, a Crown corporation that wanted the contract, the proponent, and paid advocates all say go ahead. Wait. Every independent government that studied it held off; the reviews and the airlines said upgrade what’s there instead.
    The verdict:Build  vs  Wait
    It’ll pay for itself. The 2025 prospectus says the trains will turn a profit — the rosiest claim in fifty-six years. Taxpayers pay most of it. From 1984 to 2026, every study that runs the money says fares can’t cover the cost. The 2026 independent model: about $53 billion in public subsidy over fifty years.
    The money:Self-funding  vs  ~$53B public
    As low as $63 billion. A 2026 paper reaches that number by assuming bargain construction prices. More like $80–90 billion. The proponent’s own range tops out at $90 billion; independent build-ups land near $80 billion. Costs rise the closer you look.
    Price tag:~$63B  vs  ~$80–90B
    24 to 56 million riders. The 2025–2026 figures are the highest ever produced for this line. About half that. The only recent independent, survey-based forecast lands near 10 million a year — right in line with fifty years of history.
    Yearly riders:~24–56M  vs  ~10M
    A big climate win. The proponent headlines a 39-megatonne cut — counting only the savings from fewer car and plane trips. A climate cost, for decades. The emissions from building it — concrete, steel, cleared land — are left out entirely. Count both sides and it adds emissions.
    On carbon:Half the ledger  vs  The whole ledger
    Ridership

    Same railway. Forecasts from 6 million to 56 million.

    Put the passenger forecasts next to each other and they span almost tenfold — for one railway line. The high numbers always come from the promoters. The one to trust is the recent independent forecast built on an actual survey of travellers.

    ~10M
    independent, survey-based forecast for 2050
    McGill, 2026
    24–43M
    the proponent’s own forecast
    ALTO prospectus, 2025
    42–56M
    the highest numbers ever produced for this line
    2026 advocacy paper
    Study (year)Who produced itYearly ridersBasis
    Air Canada / CP (1993)Airline / railway5.8 Mthe low end of the record
    Task Force (1991)Governments7.8 Mfull corridor
    Tri-government (1995)Governments10–12 Mfull corridor
    EcoTrain (2011)Governments10–11 Mfull corridor
    Lynx (1998)Private consortium11.1 MQuébec City–Toronto
    SNCF (2010)Equipment makerup to 22.5 Mbest-case scenario
    ALTO prospectus (2025)Proponent24–43 Mfull network
    Advocacy paper (2026)Paid advocacy42–56 Mthe highest ever
    McGill (2026)Independent~10 Msurvey-based, 2050

    The numbers aren’t perfectly apples-to-apples — they cover different routes and years — which is part of the point. The takeaway is simple: the independent, survey-based forecast is about half the proponent’s.

    What it means

    Five takeaways

    The current project sits right at the meeting point of every pattern above. The prospectus is the most upbeat sales pitch in the whole record. The most careful independent 2026 work finds a multi-billion-dollar hole. And the one favourable outside verdict is reached only by pairing the cheapest possible construction cost with the highest ridership ever forecast for the line. Here’s what that adds up to.

    What the record points to

    Building new from scratch is the sponsors’ pick, not the safe reading of history. Fifty-six years of evidence leans toward upgrading what exists — or waiting for a full, honest costing.
    Expect the public to pay most of it. Three governments said 70–75% back in 1995, and every financial study since has landed in the same place.
    A moderate-speed, lower-cost railway fits the evidence better. Extra speed barely adds riders, and costs balloon the closer you look. Both have been true for decades.

    What to insist on

    Get the ridership numbers independently checked before trusting them. A single forecast from the people who want to build it isn’t enough — the best studies in the record always used more than one independent forecaster.
    Make the freight case — but be upfront about the catch. The idea is sound; its real value depends on the freight railways actually wanting the freed-up capacity. Say so plainly.
    The evidence

    All thirty studies, at a glance

    Here’s the whole set, oldest to newest. Read the two right-hand columns together — who did the study, and what they concluded — and Finding 1 jumps out: the “build it” verdicts belong to the sellers and the promoters; the governments that were truly independent said wait.

    YearStudy — who did itIndependent of the builder?Verdict
    1970Intercity Passenger Transport Study — CTCFederalUpgrade
    1984High-Speed Passenger Rail in Canada — VIACrown corpMixed
    1990Review of Previous Studies — TRANSURBConsultantWait
    1990A Pragmatic Approach (SPRINTOR) — ABBEquipment makerUpgrade
    1990The Canadian TGV Project — Bombardier / GEC AlsthomEquipment makerBuild new
    1991Rapid Train Task Force — Ontario / QuébecGovernmentsWait
    1991Competition in Rail Carriage — BerkowitzAcademicBuild new
    1992FAST TRACKS — VIA (advocacy)Crown corpBuild new
    1993HST Market Assessment — Air Canada / CPAirline / railwayUpgrade
    1994Demand-model re-estimate — Gaudry & Le LeyzourAcademicNo verdict
    1995Industrial Strategy (Vol II) — Simpson-GuerinConsultantNo verdict
    1995Routing & Costing Study — SNC-Lavalin / DelcanConsultantNo verdict
    1995Québec–Ontario HSR, Final Report — tri-govGovernmentsWait
    1998The Lynx Proposal — Lynx consortiumPrivate consortiumBuild new
    2002VIAFast — VIA RailCrown corpUpgrade
    2003VIAFast validation — IBI for Transport CanadaGov’t reviewerNo verdict
    2009Infrastructure and the Economy — Martin Prosperity Inst.AcademicBuild new
    2010Socio-Economic Study of HSR — SNCFEquipment makerBuild new
    2011Updated Feasibility (EcoTrain) — tri-governmentGovernmentsWait
    2014Toronto–Kitchener–London HSR — SchabasConsultantBuild new
    2015Future of Passenger Rail — Library of ParliamentParliament / indep.Upgrade
    2016Preliminary Business Case — SDG (Steer)ConsultantBuild new
    2016High Speed Rail in Ontario — Special AdvisorProvincialBuild new
    2021Toronto–Montreal Analysis — Munk SchoolAcademicBuild new
    2022Speed and Frequency — AlstomEquipment makerBuild new
    2025All Aboard — C.D. Howe InstituteAdvocacyBuild new
    2025Fast Forward — ALTO (the proponent)ProponentBuild new
    2026Conceptual Design & Business Case — SchabasAdvocacyBuild new
    2026Corridorwide Survey & Financial Analysis — McGillAcademicNo verdict
    2026Eastern Ontario Route (Hwy 401) — Schabas & AntinucciAdvocacyBuild new

    “Advocacy” means a document written to argue a case — a sales prospectus, a think-tank brief, or paid expert advocacy. “No verdict” means the study analysed the question but didn’t take a build/don’t-build position.

    The independent studies to trust

    Where the sober numbers come from

    The full list is above. If you read just a few, read the independent ones — the counterweight to the sales pitch.

    1.
    Québec–Ontario High Speed Rail Project, Final Report — three governments together, 1995. Concluded the public would cover 70–75% of the cost, and a private-only version couldn’t be financed.
    2.
    VIAFast validation — IBI Group for Transport Canada, 2003. The government’s own reviewers, who flagged “optimistic and aggressive” ridership assumptions.
    3.
    Updated Feasibility Study (EcoTrain) — three governments, 2011. The most recent independent-government study; it said wait.
    4.
    Future of Passenger Rail in Canada — Library of Parliament, 2015. Recommended upgrading service rather than building new.
    5.
    Corridorwide Survey & Financial Analysis — Transportation Research at McGill, 2026. The independent study behind the $53-billion subsidy figure and the ~10-million ridership forecast.